35. Appendix 5.2: Traditional Genealogical History of the Chinese and Turks (§§782-883)

782. Note: Frequently modernized names are used in Arabic, Persian and other Oriental genealogies in place of the Biblical eponymous names. In the Akbarnama cited infra, “Turk” son of Japheth replaces “Gomer” son of Japheth. The modernized eponymus “Turk” was borrowed from the Arabic translation of the Pentateuch produced by the great Hebrew sage Saadia Gaon. Saadia found in the Biblical genealogies in Genesis 10. 2 Gomer the firstborn of Japheth, so named. In his day the descendants of Gomer were the Turks, so here (but not in the tribal phrase “Sons of Gomer” in the following verse) he replaced the Biblical personal name Gomer with the modernized name “Turk,” meaning “Abu’l Turk” or “Ancestor of the Turks,” which made sense of the name to his Arabic-speaking audience. In the Akbarnama Japheth himself is for the identical reason denominated “Abu’l Turk,” “Ancestor of the Turks,” but it also is noted that Turk, his eldest son, was “Japheth the Younger,” a junior Japheth, so to speak, having equal rights to the title “Abu’l Turk,” and in his case the title completely ousted his original Biblical name. There are two ways these eponymi are commonly used in ancient genealogies: the eponymus can be 1) inherited or 2) retroactive. In this case “Japheth” is an inherited eponymus, being passed down from the original Japheth to his firstborn son Gomer. “Turk” on the other hand is a retroactive eponymus, being the later name of the tribe descended from Gomer, and therefore applied retroactively both to Gomer himself and to Japheth. Saadia treated the majority of the names in the Genesis genealogy in the same fashion: instead of Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, Meshech, Tiras, the sons of Japheth in Genesis 10. 2, Saadia wrote Turk (for Gomer), Yajuj (the Arabic form of Magog), Mahat (for Madai), Al Yunaniun (the Arabic form of Javan, but he retained the Hebrew form in the tribal phrase “Sons of Javan” in verse 4), Al Sin (China, for Tubal), Al Khorasan (for Meshech), Fars (for Tiras). The last identification here illustrates a principle in the process of modernization of the ethnic names in ancient genealogies, viz. the fusion or confusion of time and historical context in the tradition: Fars in Saadia denotes the “Persians,” but more precisely the “Parthians,” as the latter were traditionally traced from the “deserters” (parthi) of the army of the Oghuz Turks (§814, below, >>); the latter, in turn, were traced back to Togarmah (Torgom > “Turk”) son (sic) of Tiras (in a variation on the Biblical genealogy attested in medieval sources, §900, below, >>, with cross references). Thus “Fars” (the Parthian eponymus) is a Turkish tribe and bears the eponymus “Tiras” (the eponymus of the Oghuz Turks). Otherwise Fars is the “son of Tiras” (viz. the Parthians are offspring of the Turks), MacMichael, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, vol. II, Cambridge, 1922, p. 188f., Text IV. D1 LXV, “Faris son of Tirash.” (Additionally in the Sudanese genealogy Tiras is represented to be the “son” rather than the brother of Meshech, and the latter is identified, as elsewhere, §889.2.3.1, below, >>, with the Aramaean Mash.) Similarly in Ferishta’s History (and here also, incidentally, in the Akbarnama) we find Hind and Sind as sons, or descendants, of Ham. It is not to be supposed there were ancient figures so named, as Sind and Hind are derivatives of the same Indo-European word for “river,” meaning the Indus. The Indus region itself became known to the Arabs as “Sind,” and the rest of India as “Hind.” In this case, as in most others, the original names have been modernized. However, the modernized names are not mere cyphers; they have replaced genuinely early traditional names with a history behind them. Al Sind and Al Hind in Saadia’s Arabic translation of the Pentateuch (Gen. 10. 7) are the Biblical Sheba and Dedan respectively, the sons of Raamah, son of Cush, son of Ham. In fact, in Jeremiah 13. 23 where the Hebrew has “Cushite,” the Targum reads “Hindu” (Jastrow Talmudic Dictionary, s.v. h-y-d-w-’-h: Heb. k-w-sh-y, Cushite = Ar. h-y-d-w-’-h, h-y-n-d-w-w-’-h, h-y-n-d-w-’-h, and see ibid., s.v. h-y-n-d-w-’ = India, and s. h-y-n-d-y-q-y for Ar. h-n-d-w-y-n [Indians] = Heb. Havilah, Havilah likewise being a “Cushite” or son of Cush). For other traditional evidence of this connection in post-Biblical Rabbinic sources, see §283, above, >>.) The earliest reference is in the Sibylline Defloratio Berosi (dating from c. 300 BC in its original form) which represents Sheba son of Cur (Cush) as the father of Gogus who begets Ganges (the eponymus of the River Ganges in India) and Indus (the eponymus of the River from which the country received its name), Defloratio Book II Chart, §886.2, below, >>. Thus both Cush and Sheba are literally “Abu’l Hind,” father/ancestor of the Indians. “Sind” and “Hind” represent, therefore, two historical figures in the ancient genealogies, viz. Sheba and Dedan — probably as the ancestors of the Meds and Jats who are mentioned in other accounts in the same traditional context, — and are connected both backwards and forwards in time to a series of genealogical figures whose histories are likewise preserved in the tribal records. A different example of the same process is the figure called Kayumars son of Shem, §785, below, >>. This is Emim son of Lud son of Aram son of Shem of the traditional Arabic genealogies, who was titled Gayomart (Kayumars, “Adam”) because he was identified with the Biblical patriarch for the reason given at §670, above, >>. He was the ancestor of the Persian royal line. If the reason behind the nomenclature had not been known, it might be presumed this was an invented genealogy, tagging on the Persian figure, who headed up the genealogy of the Persian kings in the native tradition, illegitimately to the Biblical genealogy of Shem son of Noah.

783. From the Akbarnama of Abu’l Fazl trans. Beveridge, Calcutta, 1907, p. 165ff., with relevant notes added from Beveridge in square brackets [], and my own notes in braces {}. The orthography of the proper names has been simplified.

“<p. 165> <MS p. 57> Noah assigned Syria, Mesopotamia, Iraq and Khurasan to Shem; the western countries, and Abyssinia, India, Scinde and the Sudan <p. 166> to Ham; and China, Sclavonia and Turkistan to Japheth. And in the opinion of historians, the aboriginal inhabitants of those countries at the present day, are descended from these three, and the lineage of mankind from the days of the Flood is derived from them. Noah died when he was either 1600 or 1300 years old. {This contradicts the Biblical data, Noah’s age in Genesis being 950 years.} There are other stories too about his age, such as that he lived for 250 or 350 years after the Flood and that he was born either 126 years after Adam’s death or in Adam’s last days, and that he sat upon the throne of <MS. p. 58> guidance, (i.e., became a prophet) when he was 50, or 150, or 250, or 350 years old, and that he was a guide to mortals for 950 years.

784. “Ham had nine sons, viz., Hind, Sind, Zanj (Zanzibar) {Zanj or Zing is the eponymus of the Zi[y]ngaey and Dingaey of the Targums, and is the modernized name for the Biblical Sabtah son of Cush, Gen. 10. 7, according to Saadia, ad loc.: Zing territory, identified by Jastrow as Zeugis or Zeugitania in North Africa, was shared or otherwise occupied by the tribe of Sabtechah son of Cush, according to the Targums (references in Jastrow, Talmudic Dictionary, s.v. Ziyngaey), which is confirmed by the traditions adduced at §886.2.1, below, >>} Nuba, Canaan, Kush, Qabt (Copt), Berber, Habsh (Abyssinia), and some have written that Ham had six sons. They omit Sind and Canaan and make Nuba the son of Habsh.

785. “Shem also had nine sons, viz., (1) Arfakhshad, (2) Kayumars who is the progenitor of the kings of Persia, (3) Asud who founded Mada’in (the twin-cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon), etc., Ahwaz and Pahlu (? Peleg) {the conjecture is Beveridge’s: Pahlu, the eponymus of the Pahlavis, according to the Armenians, Haug, Essay on the Pahlavi Language, p. 34, n. 2, was Balkh, which suits the context here} are his sons and Fars is the son of Pahlu, (4) Ighan the father of Sham (Syria) and Rum (Asia Minor), (5) Buraj, of whom historians tell nothing except the name, (6) Lauz (Lud) from whom the Pharoahs of Egypt are descended, (7) Elam who built the cities of Khuzistan; Khurasan and Tambul are his sons, <p. 167> and Iraq is the son of Khurasan, and Kirman (Carmania) and Makran are sons of Tambul, (8) Aram from whom the tribe of Ad is descended, (9) Buzar, whose sons are Azarbaijan, Aran, Arman and Farghan.

786. “Some say that Shem too had only six sons and omit Kayumars, Buraj and Lauz. In short, there is much discrepancy about the descendants of those two (Shem and Ham).

Japheth. (Yafis.)

787. “Japheth was the most just of Noah’s sons. The lofty line of his Majesty, the king of kings, is linked with him, and the Khans of the eastern cities and of Turkistan all derive from him. He is called the Father of Turk ({or, Turks} Abu-l-turk), and some historians call him Alunja Khan. When Japheth left Suqu-s-samanin {the ‘Market Place of the “Eighty” {or, Eights},’ traditionally the first settlement after the Flood in the mountains of Ararat} with his wife and family, to go to the eastern and northern countries which had been assigned to him, he begged his father to teach him a prayer by which he might have rain whenever he wanted it. Noah gave him a stone which had the property of bringing rain, and indicated that he had pronounced over it the Ineffable Name ({of God} lit. Great Name) with the design that the foolish should not comprehend the matter and transgress his precepts, or perhaps he really recited the Ineffable Name over it. And at present there are many of these stones among the Turks which they call yedatash. The Persians call them sang-i-yada and the Arabs hajaru-l-matar, (rain-stone). And Japheth, on <p. 168> going to those regions, became a dweller in deserts, and whenever he wished, the cloud of God’s bounty, came down in rain through the virtue of that stone. In course of time, children were born to Japheth and he established excellent laws among them, which were at once comforting to the short-thoughted and joy-increasing to lofty minds. He left eleven sons, viz., 1, Turk, 2, Cin, 3, Saqlab, 4, Mansaj, also called Mansak, 5, Kamari, also called Kaimal, <MS. p. 59> 6, Khalaj, 7, Khazan, 8, Rus, 9, Sadsan, 10, Ghaz, 11, Yaraj. Some books mention only eight sons, omitting Khalaj, Sadsan and Ghaz.

Turk.

788. “Turk was the eldest son of Japheth, and the Turks call him Yafis {Japheth} Oghlan (note 5) [(Note 5) A note to Text states that Oghlan means son in Turkish. {Yafis Oghlan = “Japheth the Younger” — Raverty}]. He excelled all his brothers in wisdom, management and care for his subjects. On his father’s death, he sat upon the throne of sovereignty and dispensed gentleness, manliness and relief of the oppressed. He settled in a place which the Turks call Sil-uk (note 6) or Salikai and which had hot and cold springs and delightful meadows. [(Note 6) P Issigh-kul. Text Silul. Perhaps the river Selonga, but the description better applies to the lake of Issik-kul, (Hot Water), which is said to be ten times the size of Lake Geneva. Réclus VI, 350. It lies N. of Yarkand. Its waters do not freeze. The Shajaratu-l-atrak calls it Jaeelgan. (Miles 25). {For this region as a center of Indo-European expansion in the Middle Bronze Age from c. 1800 BC, see the maps at §903, below, >>., see also §795, below, >>.}] He made dwellings of grass and wood and constructed tents, and made clothes by sewing together the skins (and furs) of beasts of burden and of prey. Salt (note 7) was discovered in his time. [(Note 7) The discovery is said to have been made accidentally by his son Tunag or Tutak.] One of his laws was that the son should inherit naught but a sword and that whatever was wanted should go to the daughter. They say he was contemporary with Kayumars, and that as the latter was the first king of Persia, so Turk was the first sultan of Turkistan. He lived to the age of 240.

<p. 169> Alinja Khan (note 1).

789. “[(Note 1) Shajratu-l-atrak, Abluchi {otherwise, Abulja} Khan. {Abulja was also a title of Japheth, see the following note under Dib Baqui.}] Alinja Khan was the best of Turk’s sons. When the measure of Turk’s years was fulfilled, Alinja Khan was placed on the throne by the will of the chiefs. He made far-sighted wisdom his rule, and spent his days in the administration of justice. When he became old, he went into retirement (i.e., became a hermit).

Dib Baqui (note 2). {= Dib bakui}

790. “[(Note 2) D’Herbélot, “Great Dignity” {Elsewhere in Rashid-ud-din Dib bakui is son of Japheth and equated with the Biblical Meshech. Such variations in the early post-diluvian genealogies are common, the particular aim of the genealogist in each case determining how the descent was traced. In this case, Alinja’s son was Dib Baqui (bakui), and Alinja was titled Japheth, like Turk. He may also have been believed to be a reincarnation of Japheth, in the typical Iranian fashion, according to the Zoroastrian and Buddhist theories diffused amongst these people. Thus, Meshech son of Japheth is here referred to as Dib Baqui son of Alinja.}] Dib Baqui became king on his father’s retirement and in accordance with his appointment.

Kiyuk Khan.

791. “Kiyuk was the worthy son of Dib Baqui. When the father bade adieu to the world, he made over the throne of the Khanate to Kiyuk who, knowing the duties of sovereignty, acted up to them.

Alinja Khan.

792. “Alinja Khan was the son of Kiyuk and became heir-apparent in the end of his father’s days. He was extravagant in his liberalities, and in his reign the Turks became intoxicated (note 3) by the world and <MS. p. 60> strayed from the path of wisdom. [(Note 3) This refers to their becoming idolaters (Khafi Khan I 3.)] After a long time, twin-sons were born to him. One was named Mughul and the other Tatar. When they came to years of discretion, he divided his kingdom into two portions and gave one half to Mughul and one half to Tatar. When their illustrious father died, each of the two sons reigned in his own territory, in harmony with one other. [{In this case, too, Alinja is the name of the son of Kiyuk, as well as a title of (the reincarnated) Japheth. See the note supra under Dib Baqui. Mughul and Tatar are the eponymi of the Mongols and Tatars, the Mongols being the offspring of Magog and the Tatars of Turk, viz. Gomer. (Sale et al., Universal History, vol. XX, London, 1748, p. 8ff., Note D.) Thus, Mughul and Tatar are substitutes for the Biblical names Magog and Gomer, the sons of Japheth-Abulja-Alinja.}]

793. “As this lofty line (Akbar’s) has no connection with Tatar and his eightfold (note 4) branches (i.e., generations) I pass them over and proceed to relate the history of Mughul and his noble descendants. [(Note 4) I.e., eight {generations} in all, Tatar being one. (Shajratu-l-atrak. Miles 29.) According to D’Herbélot (Art. Tatar) Alinja Khan, the father, is required to make up the eight.]

Mughul Khan.

794. “Mughul Khan was a wise prince. He so conducted himself that the hearts of his subjects were attached and obedient to him and <p. 170> all tried to serve him properly. The generations of the Mughuls are nine in number, beginning with Mughul Khan and ending with Il Khan (note 1). [(Note 1) Vullers 481b. The generations are said to end with Il Khan because, in his time, the Mughul race was all but extirpated. If the statements of the Turks, mentioned below, that this catastrophe occurred 1000 years after Aghuz’s death, be correct, it is evident that far more than nine generations must have intervened between Mughul and II Khan. {This statement ignores the longer lifespans enjoyed in some cultures and climes in that era, which are evidenced, not only in the inspired Hebrew Scriptures, but also, inter alia, in the traditional Persian history of the second millennium BC.}] The Mughuls have taken the usage of Tuquz (nine) from this, and they consider this number most excellent in all matters. The Creator bestowed on Mughul Khan four sons, Qara Khan, Azar Khan, Kar Khan and Uz Khan.

Qara Khan (note 3).

795. “[(Note 3) I.e., the Black Prince. A.F. {viz. the author of the Akbarnama, Abu’l Fazl} omits to mention that he was put to death by his own son, Aghuz. (Khafi Khan 1, 5.) {This misrepresents the history, as Aghuz was drawn into a war by the machinations of his father, and his father perished in that war. See further §819, below, >>.}] Qara Khan was both the eldest son and preeminent in justice and the art of government. He sate {sic} upon the throne in succession to his illustrious father and made his summer (ailaq) and winter (qishlaq) quarters in Qaraqum (note 4) near two mountains called Irtaq (note 5) and Kirtaq. [(Note 4) I.e., black sand or dust. The Text wrongly has {Arabic script omitted} Qaraqaram. The Ain mentions the place as belonging to the Sixth Climate. (Jarrett III, 102). The Ain (Text II, 46), describes it as a mountain in Turkistan (not Kohistan as Jarrett has it) and the editor says (l.c.n.) that many MSS. read {Arabic script omitted} Qaraqum. This is the correct reading. (Vullers s.v. II, 717b, and D’Herbélot art: Caracum.) In Gladwin’s Ain the lat. and long, of Qaraqum and of Khanbaligh which immediately follows, are given; the long, for Qaraqum being 115° and for Khanbaligh 124°. N.B. Khanbaligh is described in Text as the capital of Cathay, not of China.][(Note 5) Erdmann, {Arabic script omitted} Urtaq and Gaztaq. D’Herbélot calls them Artak and Ghertak, and says they are part of Mount Imaus (Paradise Lost III, 431), and that the city of Caracum lies between them, Artak being N. and Ghertak S. He gives the long. as 116° which agrees very well with Gladwin. Of course both longs. arc calculated from the Fortunate Isles. Greenwich long. is between 72° and 80.° The lat. of the Karakoram Pass (Imperial Gazeteer, Hunter), is 35° 33" or about 11° less than that given in the Ain. (46 N.). This would imply that Qaraqum and Qaraqaram are totally different names and places, but on the other hand, D’Herbélot gives the lat. of Caracum as 36° 36". There is an account of the city of Karacum (Caracorum) in Gibbon who (Cap. 64) makes it about 600 m. N.W. Pekin. It was also called Holin.]

<p. 171> Aghuz Khan {= Oghuz Khan, see for his history in full §814ff., below, >>}.

796. “Aghuz Khan was the worthy son of Qara Khan, and was born of his chief wife during the time of his rule. Romancing storytellers relate things about his naming himself and about his progress in the path of piety, which a just-judging intellect is not disposed to credit. He was admittedly an enlightened, pious and just ruler and framed excellent institutions and laws whereby the varied world was composed and the contrarieties of the Age conciliated. Among Turki kings, he was like Jamshid among the kings of Persia. By his ripe wisdom, lofty genius, felicity and native courage, he brought under his sway the countries of Iran (Persia) Turan (note 3) [(Note 3) Turkistan or Transoxiana. It is said to have been named after Tur, the son of Faridun (D’H. art. Mogal), but if so, A.F.’s use of it here is an anachronism, for he describes Tur as nearly exterminating the Mughuls about a thousand years after Aghuz Khan’s death.], Rum (Asia Minor), Egypt, Syria, Europe (Afranj), and other lands. Many nations came within the shadow of his benevolence, and he established titles among the Turks suitable to their ranks and which <p. 172> are on men’s tongues to the present day, such as Aighur, Qanighli, Qibcaq, (Kipcak), Qarligh, Khalaj, etc. He had six sons, viz., Kun (sun), Ai (moon), Yulduz (star), Kok (or Gok) (sky), Tagli (mountain), and Tangiz (sea). The three elders were called Buzmaq (note 2) [(Note 2) Said to mean “Broken” and “Three arrows.” The legend of origin is given by Miles, Text, Bajuq for Ujaq. Uq is an arrow, and uc means three. The etymologies are also given in Abu-l-ghazi Des Maison 24. The name Buzmaq or “Broken” was given to the three elder sons because they brought in three pieces of a golden bow. The three younger brought in three golden arrows.], and the <MS. p. 61> three others Ujuk. His sons and sons’ sons became 24 branches, and all the Turks are descended from these magnates. The term Turkoman did not exist in old times, but when their posterity came to Persia (Iran) and propagated there, their features came to resemble the Tajiks. But as they were not Tajiks, the latter called them Turkomans, i.e., Turk-like. But some say that the Turkomans are a distinct tribe and not related to the Turks. It is said that after Aghuz Khan had conquered the world, he returned to his own settlement (yurat), and seating himself on the throne of dominion, held a Khusru-like feast and conferred royal gifts on each of his fortunate sons, faithful officers and other servants, and promulgated lofty ordinances and excellent canons as guides for the perpetuation of prosperity. He laid it down that the right wing, which Turkomans call Buranghar, and the succession should appertain to the eldest son and his descendants, and the left wing, i.e., the Jaranghdr and the executive (wakalat) to the younger sons. And he decreed that this law should always be observed, generation after generation;— hence at the present day, one half of the twenty-four branches is associated with the right wing and one half with the left. He ruled for 72 or 73 years and then bade adieu to the world.

Kun Kjjan.

797. “Kun Khan took his father’s place, in accordance with his testament and acted in administration and government by his own acute <p. 173> understanding, and the sage counsels of Qabal Khwaja who had been Vizier to Aghuz Khan. He so arranged about his brothers, his children and his nephews — who were 24 in number, for each of the six brothers had four sons — that each recognized his position and assisted in the management of the State. Having reigned for 70 years, he appointed Ai Khan his successor and departed.

Ai Khan (note 3).

798. “[(Note 3) Apparently he is Kun’s brother, and the “illustrious father” must be Aghuz.] Ai Khan observed the laws of his illustrious father, adorned justice with amicability, and combined wisdom with good actions.

Yulduz Khan.

799. “Yulduz Khan was the eldest (note 4) son and successor of Ai Khan. [(Note 4) According to another account, he was Ai Khan’s brother.] He attained high rank in world-sway and in the dispensing justice.

Mangali Khan (Michael) (note 5).

800. “[(Note 5) Mangala may also mean sun, or the forehead (Tar. Rash 7n.).] <MS. p. 62> Mangali Khan was the beloved son of Yulduz Khan and sate {sic} upon the throne in succession to him. He was distinguished for devotion to God, and for praising the pious.

Tangiz Khan.

801. “Tangiz Khan conducted the affairs of sovereignty after his honoured father’s death and wore the crown of dominion in Mughulistan for 110 years.

Il Khan.

802. “Il Khan was his noble son. When the father became old and weak, he gave Il Khan the management of affairs, and alleging the number of his years as an excuse, went into solitary retirement.

Qiyan (note 6).

803. “[(Note 6) Though this name is the heading of the Text, the narrative is in part that of Il Khan’s reign.] Qiyan was the son of Il Khan and, by the mysterious ordinances of Divine wisdom, he became a resting-place (maurid) of adversities. <p. 174> When the God of wisdom desires to bring a jewel of humanity to perfection, He first manifests sundry favours under the cover of disfavours of misfortune, and grants him the robe of existence after having made some great and pure-hearted ones his ransom and sacrifice (fidd). There is an instance of this in the story of Il Khan who, after the turn of sovereignty came to him, was passing his life according to a code which provided for the control of the outer world and the contemplation of the world of reality, and was binding up the hearts of the distressed, until that Tur, the son of Faridun {Tur here, evidently, is an ethnic or royal title of the current head of the Turanian hordes}, obtained sway over Turkistan, and Transoxiana (Ma-warahu n-nahr) and in conjunction with Sunij Khan, the king of the Tatars and Aighurs, made a great war upon Il Khan. The Mughul army, under the excellent dispositions of Il Khan, made a desperate struggle, and many of the Turks, Tatars and Aighurs were slain. In the combat, Tur and the Tatars were unable to resist and fled. They took refuge in stratagems and vulpine tricks and dispersed. After going a little way, they hid in a defile, and then at the end of the night, suddenly made an onslaught on Il Khan’s army. Such a massacre took place that of Il Khan’s men not one escaped except his son Qiyan, his cousin Takuz (note 2) [(Note 2) Probably Naquz is more correct.] and their two wives (note 3) who had hidden themselves among tho slain. [(Note 3) The Text does not distinctly say that the women were wives, the word used being haram. One account says sisters.] At night, these four withdrew to the mountains and with many troubles and difficulties, traversed the valleys and ravines, and came to a meadow which had salubrious springs and fruits in abundance. In their helpless state, they regarded this pleasant spot as a godsend and settled in it. The Turks call it Irganaqun and say that the terrible calamity happened 1000 years after the death of Aghuz Khan.

804. “The sage knows that in this wondrous destiny there lay the <MS. p. 63> plan for the production of that all-jewel, his Majesty, the king of kings, so that the status of sacrifice might be attained and also that the ascents of banishment, seclusion, and hardship might, in this strange fashion, be brought together to the end that the unique pearl, <p. 175> his Majesty, the king of kings, — who is the final cause of the creation of the glorious series (tabaqa) and also the material for this record of Divine praise,— might become the aggregate of all the stages of existence and be acquainted with the grades of humanity, which might thus arise, — and should achieve spiritual and temporal success, and that in this way there be no defective round (girdi) on the periphery of his holiness. In fine, after Qiyan and his companions had settled in that place, they begat children and grew into tribes. Those who sprang from Qiyan were called Qiyat and those who descended from Takuz were called Darlgin. No account is forthcoming of the descendants of Qiyan while they were in Irganaqun — a period of about 2,000 years. Presumably in that place and age reading and writing were not practised. After the lapse of about 2000 years and in the last period of Nushirwan’s (note 1) reign, the Qiyat and Darlgin desired to leave the place, as it was not large enough for them. [(Note 1) Nushirwan, a king of Persia, celebrated for his justice, reigned 531-579 A.D. Muhammad congratulated himself on having been born (578 A.D.) in his reign.] A mountain which was a mine of iron barred their way at the beginning. Able minds devised deer-skin bellows (gawazn, perhaps elk) and with these they melted that iron mountain and made a way. Then they rescued their country from the hands of the Tatars and others, by the sword, and contriving vigour, and became firmly seated on the throne of success and world-rule. From the circumstance that in four (note 2) thousand years previous to this event, (i.e., the emigration from Irganaqun) there <p. 176> were twenty-eight lofty ancestors and twenty-five in the millenium after it, sagacious calculators conjecture that during these two thousand years (spent in Irganaqun) there were twenty-five ancestors.

805. “Be it remembered that Mughulistan is to the eastward and far from civilization. Its circuit is seven or eight months’ journey. On the east, its boundary extends to Cathay (Khita) and on the west, to the country of the Aighurs; on the north, it touches Qargaz and Salika (? Kirghiz and Selenga) and on the south, it adjoins Tibet. The food of its people is the produce of hunting and fishing and their clothing the skins and fur of wild and tame animals.

806. “[(Note 2) I do not understand the principle of this calculation. Yulduz Khan, under whom the Mughuls emigrated from Irganaqun, is the 29th ancestor, reckoning from Adam, and the total of 28 must be made up of 25 who lived previous to the flight to Irganaqun plus three, viz., Qiyan, Timur Tash and Mangali, who are the only three denizens of that settlement whose names have been preserved. The period after the exodus (cir. 579 A.D.) up to the date of A.F.’s writing, was about 1,000 years, and in it there were 25 rulers including Akbar. But how do calculators reckon, upon these data, that the number of ancestors who lived in Irganaqun for 2,000 years, was 25? One would rather expect the figure 50. But perhaps the calculation is based on lives twice as long as later ones. (Gibbon Cap. 42n.) Apparently it is roughly based on a progressive diminution of the period of human life. A.F. reckons that 7,000 years more or less, elapsed from the birth of Adam to 40th Akbar (1596). From Adam to the death of Il Khan, 4,000 years are counted, and in this period, were 25 generations. (A.F. speaks of 28, but this is inclusive of Il Khan’s son, Qiyan and Timur Tash and Mangali Khwaja, viz., the grandfather and father of the Yulduz who came out from Irganaqun). In the thousand years between the emigration and 40th Akbar, there were also 25 generations, and so, apparently, it was calculated that for the intervening 2,000 years (required to make up the 7,000) there must have been 25 generations. In other words, there were 4,000 years in which the length of a generation was 160 years, 2,000 in which it was 80 and 1,000 in which it was 40. I do not, however, know what authority A.F. had for his 2,000 years. “The tradition of the Mughuls,” says Gibbon (Cap. 42n.) “of the 450 years which they passed in the mountains, agrees with the Chinese periods of the History of the Huns and Turks. (De Guignes Tom. I, Par. II, 376), and of the 20 generations from their restoration to Gingis.” (Cingiz Khan {Genghis Khan}). Howorth (I, 35) puts the period at 400 years. Rashidu-d-din mentions a period of 2,000 years, but this is the interval from the destruction of Il Khan and the Mughuls by the Tatars up to the date of Rashidu-d-din’s writing, consequently the former event occurred about 700 B.C. D’Ohsson says (I, Cap. II, 21) that according to Mughul traditions, their defeat by the Tatars occurred 2,000 years before the birth of Cingiz Khan. (Jan. 1155 A.D.) D’Herbélot (art. Genghiz Khan) says that the Mughuls remained in Irganaqun for several generations, and that the period was over 1,000 years. None of these statements supports A.F.’s chronology. Possibly he wrote one and not two thousand.]

Timur Tash.

807. “Timur Tash is of the auspicious stock of Qiyan. He was exalted by sovereignty and command.

<p. 177> Mangali Khwaja.

808. “Mangali Khwaja is the worthy son of Timur Tash. He exalted the crown of dominion and auspiciousness and possessed the divan of power and justice.

Yulduz Khan.

809. “Yulduz Khan was the high-thoughted successor of Mangali <MS. p. 64> Khwaja who at the coming out of the Qiyat and Darlgin was the chief and leader. From the time of Qiyan, his (Qiyan’s) descendants had reigned generation after generation in Irganaqun. Yulduz Khan, by the help of the fortunate star of his dominion, gradually emerged from the horizon and civilized the tribes of the Mughuls. He was powerful and magnanimous and among the Mughul families, he is counted of good blood and fashion who can trace his origin up to Yulduz Khan.

Juina (note 1) Bahadur.

810. “[(Note 1) Also spelled Jabina and Cubina. For further information regarding the Muhammadan accounts of the descendants of Japheth, I beg to refer the reader to the full and interesting note of Major Raverty which begins at p. 869 of his translation of the Tabaqat-i-nasiri.] Juina Bahadur was the worthy son of Yulduz Khan and when the cup of his father’s years was full, sate {sic} on the throne of world-government.”

End of citation from the Akbarnama.

THE TRADITIONAL CHRONOLOGY

811. On the traditional chronology see Beveridge’s Note 2 to his p. 175, §806, above, >>. The chronology in the Akbarnama pushes back the slaughter in the days of Il Khan to c. 1500 BC, Oghuz Khan being dated approximately 1000 years before that. It is probably based on a longer chronology like that of the Septuagint (as in Ferishta). The native Mughul traditions cited by D’Ohsson are more in accord with the Hebrew chronology, viz. the destruction is dated to around 850 BC, which puts Oghuz Khan at c. 1850 BC. Oghuz Khan was Chun-wei (Tanju), the son of the last, corrupt, emperor of the Xia dynasty, called Jie. (See further on Chun-wei, Hunnus, Hunor, §904.1f., below, >>.) The Xia Dynasty was traced back to Da Yu, Yu the Great, a descendant of Fu-xi = Ya-fu-xi (Japheth). The absolute chronology of the Xia Dynasty is uncertain, but the reign of its founder Yu is traditionally placed around 2207 BC, sometimes earlier, sometimes later, which would place Oghuz similarly around 1800 BC. Having retired to Turkestan, Oghuz Khan became the founding father of the empire and royal line of the Huns, as well as a great defender of monotheism against the idolatry which began to sweep the world in those ages.

812. The Xia Dynasty is as follows:

1. Xia Yu, also called Da Yu (viz. the name Yu, preceded by the titles Xia and Da), son of Gun son of Zhuanxu son of Changyi, brother of Shao-hao, and son of Huang-di. Huang-di is Sin or Chin, the eponymus of the Chinese people, who is variously identified as Tubal himself son of Japheth, or a son of Abur (otherwise Amur) son of Tubal son of Japheth, or a son of Baghbar son of Kama’d (= Amur/Abur) son of Japheth or a son of Baur (= Baghbar) son of Yuj son of Abur son of Japheth. Shao-hao is the “Junior Fu-xi,” who succeeded to Fu-xi = Ya-fu-xi = Japheth, son of Noah (Nu-wa), as one of the first “Five Emperors” of the Chinese people. Fu-xi is otherwise known as Tai-hao, the “Senior Brilliance,” and Shao-hao means the “Junior Brilliance,” viz. the Junior Fu-xi, and is therefore the precise equivalent of the Turkish Yafis Oghlan (Junior Japheth) = Gomer son of Japheth. Immediately preceding the “Five Emperors” were the “Three Sovereigns,” viz. Fu-xi himself, Nu-wa and Huang-di, the last being also known as Shen-nung and Yan-di. (See further infra on these names.) Family name of Xia Yu: Si; Given name: Wenming. Yu was known for solving the flood problem for the people. He reigned 45 years. The Xia Dynasty came to power as follows, according to the Chart following §813.7ff., below, >>: Japheth and Noela his wife begot Tubal, a.k.a. Huang-di, Huang-di begot Shao-hao, Shao-hao’s nephew was Zhuanxu and his grandson was Di-ku, Di-ku begot Yao, Yao appointed Shun and Shun appointed the grandson of Zhuanxu, Da Yu as first king of the Xia Dynasty.

2. Qi son of Xia Yu; He broke up the Abdication System and set the Hereditary System. 29 years.

3. Taikang son of Qi. 29 years.

4. Zhongkang younger brother of Taikang. 13 years

5. Xiang son of Zhongkang. 28 years.

6. Shaokang posthumous child of Xiang. 21 years.

7. Zhu son of Shaokang. 17 years.

8. Huai son of Zhu. 44 years.

9. Mang son of Huai. 18 years.

10. Xie son of Mang. 21 years.

11. Bujiang son of Xie. 59 years.

12. Jiong younger brother of Bujiang. 21 years.

13. Jin son of Jiong. 21 years.

14. Kongjia son of Bujiang. 31 years.

15. Gao son of Kongjia. 11 years.

16. Fa son of Gao. 11 years.

17. Jie son of Fa; the tyrannical emperor who ended the Xia Dynasty.

813. The latter’s son, Chun-wei, also known as Oghuz (Aghuz) Khan, was the founding father of the royal line of the Huns. (See further on Chun-wei, Hunnus, Hunor, §904.1f., below, >>.) The Turkish genealogy of Oghuz traces his descent from Japheth’s son Meshech = Dib baqui: Dib baqui’s son Kiyuk Khan, his son Alinja Khan, his son Mughul Khan, his son Qara Khan, his son Oghuz Khan. The earliest and simpler genealogy in Rashid-ud-din is as follows: Oghuz Khan, son of Qara Khan, son (viz. descendant) of Dib baqui = Meshech, son of Abulja Khan = Japheth, son of Noah. The fuller genealogy traces Oghuz variously from Turk, viz. Gomer, or from Dib baqui, viz. Meshech, or from Mughul, viz. Magog (see note under Alinja Khan son of Kiyuk Khan, §792, above, >>). After his migration to the West Oghuz appears to have married into the family of Gomer and Magog settled around the mouth of the River Don and the Sea of Azov, through his father-in-law Filimer/Velmar/Helmar, the descendant of Berig or Berico of the line of Magog from Scandinavia, and the latter’s mother Vesta of the line of Gomer from the same region (§899ff., below, >>). Gog of the land of Magog (Yajuj Majuj in Arabic sources) is called prince of Meshech and Tubal in Ezek. 38. 2f., hence the connection of Magog with Meshech. In the Talmud (Yoma fol.10a) the “Hunnic tribe” (Beyth Unniqi, b-y-t ’-w-n-y-y-q-y) is traced back to Tubal son of Japheth, Tubal being paired with Meshech in the ancient genealogies. As Tubal is the eponymus of “China” in Saadia and Meshech of “Khorasan,” the former being the original homeland of Chun-wei (Hunnus), and the latter the intermediate zone occupied by the Huns in their migration to the West, these Biblical genealogies reflect an actual historical process. Apart, therefore, from the oldest traditional Turkish genealogy of Oghuz and Qara Khan preserved by Rashid-ud-din, tracing them back to Dib baqui (= Meshech), son of Abulja (= Japheth), there existed at least one other tracing them from Moghul (= Magog) son of Alinja (= Japheth), and two genealogies, in addition, of those figures who were identified with Japheth, viz. Abulja (or, Alinja, son of Turk [= Gomer], son of Yafis [= Japheth]), and Alinja (son of Kiyuk son of Dib baqui [= Meshech], son of Abulja [= Japheth]). The two latter genealogies are likely to be those of the Tatars and Moghuls respectively: that is, the first traced the Tatars (= Turks, Gomerites) from Abulja son of Turk (Gomer), and the second traced the Moghuls (Magogites) from Alinja son of Kiyuk son of Dib baqui (Meshech). As Gomer and Magog were in the original Biblical genealogy the sons of Japheth, Abulja and Alinja were treated as different titles (or forms, reincarnations, according to a religious viewpoint) of Japheth, the eponymus having passed down from the Noachide patriarch to his later descendants. So Tatar (“Gomer”) was son of Abulja (“Japheth”), and Moghul (“Magog”) was son of Alinja (“Japtheth”). As Gomer and Magog were brothers, both sons of Japheth, so Tatar and Moghul came also to be treated as brothers, viz. as the sons of Alinja/Abulja/Japheth.

813.1. The traditional genealogies of the Huns/Turks follow much the same pattern as the Arabic genealogies of the Chinese and other related peoples of the Far East. In the case of the Chinese their ancestry is traced back in Arabic sources to Noah’s son Japheth through Japheth’s son, Tubal, — reflecting Saadia’s identification of Tubal with the eponymus of China, Sin (’-l ṣ-y-n = “Chin,” China), — and Tubal’s son (or alternatively Japheth’s son) Abur, otherwise spelled Amur, Qomr, Kama’d etc. in the sources, with interchange of medial m for b and an hardening of the initial guttural. Abur/Amur is referred to as the ancestor of the “Turkish” component in the races of China and its environs, particularly the archipelagos around the coasts of mainland China. As in Masudi Abur is the ancestor of the Turkish tribes descended from Oghuz, viz. the Huns, we should see in Abur the eponymus of the Avars, otherwise written Var, who is the “brother” of the eponymus Hun. (Theophylactus Simocatta, Historiae, ed. Boor, VII. 7-8: “This race {“Ogor” = the Arabic Tagazgaz Turks, the Toguz-Ugur, “Nine Ugurs”} … its most ancient leaders were Var {Gk. Ouar} and Chunni {Gk. Khounni}, and from these some of those people received their appellations, being called Avars and Huns.”) Avars and Huns are identified as the same people (“The Avars were first called Huns, afterwards Avars from the personal name of a king,” Paulus Diaconus. I. 27), and the “Hunnic tribe” is traced from Tubal in the Talmud. (See Aborigines et Incunabula Magyarorum, G. Fejer, Budae 1840, p. 80ff. on Tubal [Tibarenoi, Ibarani, Obareni etc.] = Avars.) Thus also, Tubal “father of Abur” indicates he is the ancestor of the Avars or Huns. As Abur is the ancestor of the tribes descended from Oghuz, he is dateable prior to Oghuz himself, viz. prior to Chun-wei (= Hunnus/Hunor = Oghuz), and therefore some time earlier than the end of the Xia dynasty. The actual name Avar or Abar (Abur), like Iber, Hiberus, Sabir, Sapir, seems to be a variation on the Semitic Tubal/Shubal (Arabic Shubil or Subil = Hebrew Tubal), with the usual interchange of final r for l and the equally common substitution of an initial guttural ayin for s. (Cf. Fejer, op. cit., p. 83.) So the genealogical statement that Tubal begot Abur is simply another way of saying that Tubal was the eponymous ancestor of the Tubalites/Avars. Similarly the genealogical statement that Abur/Amur begot S’in (= Chin) is an alternative way of saying Abur/Amur (= Tubal) was himself S’in, the “father” or ancestor of the Chinese (as in Saadia Tubal = Sin, S’in, Chin). The eponymus in either case might be passed down the line, so that the appearance is there were two different eponymous ancestors, rather than a single one variously named. It was by some such process as this that the eponymus Meshech, Meshech himself being a son of Japheth, passed down to Japheth’s further descendant Dib baqui, and the eponymus Japheth to Abulja in the genealogy of Oghuz Khan supra. From the genealogy which represents Amur as the ancestor of S’in is also derived the otherwise anomalous tradition that Fars or Pars, the eponymus of the Persians, was a son of Amur son of Japheth (Hyde, Hist. Relig. Veterum Persarum, Oxford, 1760, p. 428): Fars is Manuskihar (§677.14, above, >>) the son of Feridun, and Feridun the son of Jamshid, whilst Jamshid is said to have married two daughters of S’in/Chin (§677.0.1.4, above, >>), the descendant of Amur. By this line, accordingly, Fars can be traced from Amur son of Japheth.

813.2. The following short account comes from Abd el Barr el Nemri (Centenaire de l’École des langues orientales vivantes, 1895, Schefer, Rélations des Musulmans avec les Chinois, p. 9, trans. from Schefer’s French mine): “China is a country full of innumerable marvels. Its populations owes its origin to a branch of the sons of Amur, the son of Japheth, who headed towards China. Amur constructed a ship comparable to the Ark of his grandfather Noah, upon whom be peace! He embarked on it with his wife and his son, and made his way across the sea till he reached the coasts of China. He and his son founded towns, promulgated laws, and invented certain pleasurable and intriguing crafts. They exploited mines for gold and brought about marvels of all sorts. The reign of Amur lasted 300 years. His son S’in {= Chin, eponymus of China} reigned for 100 years. It is he who gave his empire the name of Sin {here without the medial alif, Sin = China}. He had the corpse of his father enclosed in a statue of gold, which he placed on a throne of the same metal, around which processions might be made. This ceremony became obligatory for all the sovereigns who reigned in China; their images could be sought out thereafter as they were placed in temples. For the Chinese followed the religion of the Sabians {pre-Islamic Babylonian paganism}, then they worshiped idols, and adopted subsequently the practices of the people of India. But before this they worshiped their sovereigns whose corpses were enclosed in statues of gold and in front of which they prostrated themselves. They had amongst them sages who were versed in astronomy, medicine and the arts and a great number of sciences from India. The capital of the empire bore the name of Anṣu {variously written, the more original form probably being Anqu, see infra}. It is situated 30 days’ walking distance from Khan-fu, where the merchant ships dock.”

813.2.1. A fuller account is found in Masudi, Meadows of Gold, drawing on a less circumstantial account in Yaqubi (Tarikh, ed. Houtsma, vol. 1, 1883, p. 204ff.) and/or on related source material. The following is reproduced (with modifications) from the English translation of A. Sprenger, El Mas’udi’s Historical Encyclopaedia, vol. 1, London, 1841, p. 309ff., corresponding to Meynard-Courteille, Prairies d’or, Tom. 1, Paris 1861, Ch. XV p 286ff.

“The historians do not agree respecting the Chinese and their origin. Many of them say that the children of Abur (var. Amur) Ben Shubil [Tubal] Ben Yafeth [Japheth] Ben Nuh [Noah] went north-east, when Falegh [Peleg] Ben Aber [Eber] Ben Arfakhshad [Arphaxad son of Shem] divided the earth amongst the sons of Nuh. ….. The children of Abur set over the river of Balkh {Oxus or “Araxes” as it was called}: the most of them proceeded to China [Sin], spread over the country, and formed empires, as …the Turks, the Kharlajians {descended according to their own tradition from Oghuz Khan} and the Taghizghiz {see supra on this name = Toguz-Ugur, the “Nine Ugurs,” or Ogor, that is the Avars or Huns, whose eponymous chieftains were Var [Avar = Abur] and Chunni [Hun = Hunnus, Hunor, Chun-wei, Oghuz].} ….. Their king has the title Irkhan and professes the doctrine of the Manicheans, which no other Turkish horde acknowledges. Farther are descended from Abur the Kaimakians …., and the Jaghrians …… One part of the children of Abur came as far as the frontiers of India. The climate of the country impressed its character upon them; and they are in their complexion like the Hindus, and not like other Turks. Some of them are settled, whilst others are wandering. Another portion of them is settled in et-Tubbet [Tibet]. They placed their government to the hands of a king, who was subject to the khakan; but, when the power of the khakan had ceased, the Tubbetians [Tibetans] gave to their king the title khakan, imitating the former Turkish kings…….

“The majority of the children of Abur followed the course of the river to the extremity of China. There they spread over the country, fixed their abode, and cultivated the land; they formed communities, established capitals, and built towns. They founded a large city for the residence of their king, which they called Anqu [vars. Anfu, Anmu’]; this city is three months’ journey from the Abyssinian sea; the whole interjacent country is covered with towns and well-cultivated.

“Their first king in this new settlement was

“As-S’in Te Shi [Sprenger: Lotsa tis, with other variants, see on the reading As-S’in Te Shi the note infra, Meynard-Courteille: Nostartas; proposed Chinese identification S’in = Huang (Huang-di)] Ben Ba’ur [Sprenger: Na’ur, read Baghbar, b-‛-b-r, as in Yakut, see infra] Ben Yuj [see infra on the reading, Sprenger Yarej, y-r-j, Meynard-Courteille: Modtedj, m-d-t-j] Ben Abur [Meynard-Corteille: Amour] Ben Yafeth Ben Nuh. {Here Shubil (Tubal) is omitted and Abur/Amur is referred to as the “son” of Japheth.} When he was on the throne he spread his subjects over the country, dug canals, planted trees, taught the use of the fruits as food, and killed the lions (wild beasts). He reigned about three hundred years; then he died, and was succeeded by his son

“Aun [sic Meynard-Courteille, Aoun; Sprenger: Arun; proposed Chinese identification Aun = Yan (Yan-di)] Ben As-S’in Te Shi. He put the corpse of his father in a golden statue, as an expression of his veneration and regret. The statue was put on a golden throne, studded with precious stones. He himself took his seat under this throne, worshiping the dead, and so did all the inhabitants of the kingdom every morning and evening. He reigned about two hundred and fifty years.

“After him, his son Ghaindun [Meynard-Courteille, Aitdoun; Sprenger: Abirun; proposed Chinese identification Gaindun= Jin-tian (Shao-hao)] Ben Aun came to the throne. He also put the body of his father into a golden statue, which he placed one step lower than that of his grandfather. He first addressed his prayers to his grandfather, and then to his father. His government was very good, and he never did anything without asking his subjects for their opinion. Equity was everywhere exercised, the population increased, and the soil was cultivated during his reign, which lasted two hundred years.

“His son Ghayya’n [Houtsma, Yaqubi: Aina’n; Sprenger: Athinan; proposed Chinese identification Ghayya’n = Gao-yang (Zhuanxu)] Ben Ghaindun succeeded him. He observed the same usage, of putting the body of his father in a golden statue and worshiping it. His was a long reign, and his territory extended to the country of the Turks, the descendants of his uncle. In his days, arts to promote the comforts of life, and other trades, became frequent. He lived four hundred years, and had

“Gawa’ta’n [see the notes infra, Masudi Meynard-Courteille: Haratan, Sprenger: Jaraban; Yaqubi text (Houtsma): Kharabat; proposed Chinese identification Gawa’ta’n = Gao-xin (Ku)] his son as successor. He ordered, first, ships to be built, manned them, loaded them with the produce of China, and sent them to India, es-Sind, Babylonia, and other kingdoms near and far. He made to the kings the most rare presents, and sent them costly gifts; and he gave orders to his sailors to bring him from every country what is beautiful and exquisite for the table, or for dress and furniture, not found in his own kingdom. He ordered them to make themselves acquainted with the forms of government of every empire, and with the religious tenets, laws, and moral state of every nation; and that they should ask the people for precious stones, perfumes, and instruments. The vessels went out, and separated to visit various countries, following the orders of their king. Wherever they landed the inhabitants were surprised at them, and admired what they brought. Kings, whose dominions were on the sea coast, built vessels, and ordered them to sail to China, in order to import into China such products as were wanting there. They wrote to the king, acknowledging the presents of his country and sending others in return. So China advanced in her civilization and prosperity. The king died after a reign of about two hundred years, to the greatest affliction of his subjects. The public mourning lasted one month.

“Tuta’l [sic also Meynard-Courteille: Toutal; proposed Chinese identification Tuta’l = Tao-tang (Yao)] Ben Gawa’ta’n was his son and successor. He put the corpse of his father into an image of gold, and observed the usages of former kings. He brought his affairs into order and made some praiseworthy new institutions: the like none of his predecessors had made. He said to his countrymen, an empire cannot exist without justice, for justice is the balance of God, and it is productive of an increase of prosperity and of good actions. He created courtiers and nobles, and gave crowns as marks of distinction. He formed ranks among the people according to their pursuits. He went out to seek a place for a temple, and he found a spot with luxuriant herbage, covered with flowers and well watered. There he marked out the foundation of a temple. Stones of various colors and descriptions were brought to the spot, and the construction went on. A cupola was raised on the top with air-holes, and the whole fabric was in perfect symmetry. In the temple were cells for persons who wished to shut themselves up for the service of God. When the whole edifice was completed, he put in its uppermost part the statues which contained the bodies of his fathers, giving orders to worship them. He assembled the great men of his empire, and acquainted them of his intentions to unite all his subjects into one religion, to which they could always appeal. Religion should be the tie of union and order; for he observed that, if a government has lost sight of religion, it is exposed to dissolution, corruption, and vice. He founded the government, therefore, on sacred laws and positive regulations dictated by reason, which should form the basis: he made a penal code: he fixed the conditions under which matrimony should be legitimate, to induce women to become mothers, and to render the ties between father and child firm; and he made a distinction between the laws; enforcing some as positive and obligatory commands, which are violated by neglecting the observance of their tenor; whilst he left others open to the will of the individual; for they should only serve as guides. He prescribed to his subjects certain prayers, and regulated the divine service. There is, however, no inclination nor prostration observed in their prayers, which are performed at fixed times of day or night; but, in the prayers which are to be said at certain times in the year and months, prostrations and inclinations are to be made. He instituted feasts. Fornication is under certain restrictions belonging to the criminal laws. If a woman means to prostitute herself, she has to pay a certain tax; but if she refuses the embraces of men for some time, or if she gives up the practice altogether, she has no longer to pay the tax. The sons of such women are enlisted in the (standing) army of the king; but the girls are left to the mothers, and are generally initiated in their trade. He prescribed sacrifices and incense which were to be offered in the temples. To the stars incense was offered; and for every star a certain time was fixed on which its favor was particularly solicited, by burning incense, perfumes, and certain drugs. He defined everything which his subjects had to do. He enjoyed a long life, had a numerous posterity, and died after a reign of about one hundred and fifty years. This king was much lamented. They put his body into a coffin of gold ornamented with precious stones, and built him a grand mausoleum, on the top of which they placed seven gems of different colors, answering to the seven planets, that is to say, to the sun and moon, and the five stars, in shape and color. The day of his death was celebrated as a holy day, in which they assembled at his mausoleum and said many prayers. His portrait and an account of his life were engraved on a plate of gold, and deposited on the top of the mausoleum, where everybody could see them, that they should serve as an example, and as an exhortation to follow his good government. The history of his life and his portrait are also represented on the gates of the town, on coins of gold and copper and on dresses. Their money consists, for the most part, of copper and brass coins. This city became the residence of the kings of China. The name of it is Anqu, and it is three months’ journey distant from the Abyssinian sea. Order in the affairs of the empire, good government, and prosperity continued under the successors of this king.”

Notes on this passage:

In Masudi’s text, “Lotsates” or similar [Sprenger: l-ṭ-s-’ ṭ-s, “Lotsatis,” vars. n-sh-ṭ-y-r ṭ–’–s, ’–s–ṭ-r m–’ -s, Meynard-Courteille, n-s-ṭ-r–ṭ–’–s, “Nostartas”] is the first king. Yaqubi has S’in (ṣ-’-y-n), the eponymus of China, here, which is clearly the correct reading. That suggests a corruption of the unpointed Arabic text in Masudi from As-S’in Te Sh(i) (ﺍﻟﺼﺍىں ﻁﺍ ﺱ ), viz. As-S’in Di Shi (Chin Sovereign), to “(A)Lotsa Tes” (ﻟﻁﺳﺍ ﻁﺍﺱ ), the first element ﺍﻟﺼﺍىں becoming corrupted to ﻟﻁﺳﺍ, which is a very small difference, comparable to the corruption attested in the variants of the last element ﻁﺍﺱ or ﻁﺱ to ﻣﺍﺱ. (“Te’s[h]” or “Tes[h]” to “Me’s[h]” or “Ma’s[h]”). S’in is referred to in Masudi as son (offspring) of Baur (Yaqubi: b-‛-w-r), which is Baghbur = Bagfur, “Son of Heaven” (as shown in Yakut’s genealogy, from “Al-Kalbi according to Ash-Shirki,” China so named from Chin/Sin, “Sin [ṣ-y-n] and Baghar [b-‛-r ] being two sons of Baghbar [b-‛-b-r] son of Kama’d [k-m-’-d] son of Japheth [y-’-f-t],” Yakut, Geographical Dictionary, vol. III. p. 444). Baur (Bagfur) is the son of Modhekh (sic Masudi, for Majuj[?]; in Yaqubi: Baur the son of Yuh or Yuj [codex: y-w-ḥ, Houtsma corrects to read y-r-j, and if we retain the final j [a simple case of pointing], and the medial w, we have Yuj [for Yajuj? = Magog in Saadia, supra]) son of Amur (Yaqubi codex: ‛-’- b-w-r; text ed. Houtsma: ‛-’-m-w-r) son of Japheth. This genealogy is another way of saying that the Chinese people (represented by the eponymus Sin/Chin) are of the line of the Huns and Avars (Abur/Amur), that is, of the tribes Yajuj (Yuj) or Majuj, Gog-Magog, Gog-Magog being the chief prince of Meshech (Dib-jakui) and Tubal (Shubil), the sons of Japheth, son of Noah. More briefly Sin is son of Amur (El Nemri), that is, the Chinese are the offspring of the Avars or Huns, or Tubal is Sin (Saadia), meaning Abu’l Sin, “Ancestor of China,” so the Chinese are Tubalites.

In Yaqubi and Masudi, we have three sovereigns:

(1) S’in, the ancestor of the Chinese people, (2) his “father” (or ancestor) Japheth (and [3] Japheth’s wife [implied]), S’in being followed by five emperors of Anqu. In the standard Chinese tradition likewise we have Three Sovereigns, beginning with Fu-xi (= Japheth, see infra) and his wife, and the Sovereign of Man, commonly identified as Huang-di, the ancestor of the Chinese people, otherwise known as Shen-nung, followed by Five Emperors, reigning at Wan Qiu in Henan province. A very early form of writing has been discovered by archaeologists at Wan Qiu (thought to be the bagua [ideograms] of Fu-xi), some of the signs of which are identical to those of the earliest pictographic script of the Uruk period in Sumer. This implies Huang-di = Chin. Chin (otherwise Cen, Cyn, Sin, S’in) in the late medieval period comprised the first element in the topographical name Cyn-kalan (sic in Marignolli, otherwise Sin-kalan in Ibn Batuta, Chin-kalan in Rashid-ud-din, Cen-skalan in Odoric), which is Can-ton (the famous port on the coast of China). Marignolli translates the name Cyn-kalan “Great (kalan) China (Cyn),” and it is thus equivalent to the Persian Maha-Chin, “Great China,” which latter is the name of a Chinese city in Rashid and Al Biruni. Cin-kalan is Canton, the first port of China from the south, in the Catalan map of 1375. The name Can-ton in Chinese is Guang-dong (“Eastern [dong] Guang”), properly the name of the district in which the city of Canton is located, the city itself being called Guang-zhou, “City (zhou) Guang,” or Guang-fu, “Prefectural Capital (fu) Guang,” so Chin (Cyn), the eponymus of China and the first element in the topographical name, is the medieval pronunciation of Guang. In the texts cited by Pelliot (P. Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris, 1959-1973, vol. 1, p. 272ff.), — though Pelliot admits difficulty in understanding the nuances, — Canton is referred to sometimes simply as Sin or Chin, but sometimes as Maha-Sin (Machin), “Great(er) Sin/Chin,” when its status as a prefectural “capital” (Chinese “fu”) is under consideration: Canton, Chinese Guang-fu = Maha (fu) Sin (Guang), “Great(er) Sin.” An alternative use of these words is (and this is what confuses Pelliot): Sin/Chin = Canton, and Maha-Sin (Machin) = the capital (Maha) of Sin/Chin (in this latter use clearly Sin/Chin is the Chinese nation), when the capital referred to is some place other than Canton itself. The dual use of the name Machin is reflected in the Iranian epic Kush-nama, where “two Machins” are specifically referred to (§677.0.1.8, above, >>). Canton was also known as “Sin-as-Sin” or “Sinyatu-’s-Sin,” “China of China.” As is obvious from these examples the first element in the name Can-ton, Guang, is considered the same as the national eponymus, Sin, Chin. There was, however, an alternative way of transcribing the name of the city Canton in Arabic: Khanfu (= Chinese Guang-fu, the “Prefectural Capital Guang”), and this suggests the interpretation of the first element as Sin/Chin, the national eponymus, was an additional or supplementary, and perhaps more favored, way of reading it. The city-name Guang is actually written with a character composed of two elements: 1) Shelter (a glyph depicting a canopy) and 2) a man called Huang, the “Yellow One,” who is Huang-di the “Yellow Emperor.” Thus the city Guang is literally the “Abode [Shelter] of Huang,” viz. of Huang-di, and means effectively “Huang City.” The eponymus of this city, Huang, is written Chin, Sin, Cyn, Cen etc. in the medieval sources, and therefore the ancient patriarch Sin/Chin is actually Huang-di, the ancestor of the Chinese people, so named from him. In accord with this deduction, Guang can be written with a different character, which has the alternative reading Huang (“brilliant”): it is cognate to the character Huang (“yellow”) in the name Huang-di, and conveys the sense “Brilliant Emperor,” rather than “Yellow Emperor.” Thus Sin/Chin = Huang, or Huang-di Shi, which is the form of the name as it appears in the corrected text of Masudi, (Al) Sin Te Sh(i), the final two elements (Di Shi = Te Sh[i]) being titular. The lifespan of As-Sin Te Shi in Masudi, 300 years, is identical to the traditional age of Huang-di Shi at his “ascension to heaven.” The Chinese do not give the names of the genealogical predecessors of Huang-di back to Fu-xi, but the Arabic sources supply the following genealogy: S’in or Sin (Huang-di) son of Baur son of Yuj son of Abur (Amur) son of Tubal son of Japheth (Fu-xi), or, more briefly, Sin son of Baghbar son of Kama’d (= Amur) son of Japheth, or Sin son of Amur son of Japheth. Briefest of all is the genealogy based on Saadia’s identification of Tubal with Sin/Chin: Sin (Tubal) son of Japheth.

Shelter	+	Huang (The Yellow One)	=	Guang (Wide)
			Earlier form of the glyph Guang (in the Oracle Bone script)

The Three Sovereigns are then:

1) Fu-xi or Ya-fu-xi = Japheth (Arabic Yafes = Japheth), see sources apud Leslie, Japhet in China, JAOS, Vol. 104, No. 3 (Jul-Sep 1984), pp. 403-409, omitting initial syllable “ya” as in Chinese transcriptions of Biblical names in the Kaifeng 1512 inscription, the Heavenly Sovereign (husband, male, heaven);

2) Nu-wa or Noah (Kaifeng inscription 1512), when treated as a male figure, but rather here (being a female and the wife of Fu-xi in the Three Sovereigns tradition), Nu-wa = Noela, the “female Noah” (so surnamed), who is wife of Japheth in the Defloratio Berosi (§891.4, below, >>, and §891.21, below, >>, also §904.1f., below, >>), the Earthly Sovereign (wife, female, earth);

3) Sin/S’in/Chin = Huang-di. Huang-di = Human Sovereign, otherwise Shen-nung, “Divine farmer.” As Tubal is identified with, through being surnamed, Chin, Shen-nung might correspond to Tubal, rather than Chin himself (Huang-di): Tubal, Heb. root y-b-l, means “[Man of] Produce [of the earth]” = “Farmer,” or in Aramaic, root t-b-l, denominative from tevel (both vowels long “e”), “earth,” so the name means “He of the productive earth” or “Made rich in growth,” or denominative from tevel (both vowels short “e”), “spice, mixture,” so the name means “Refined/Seasoned in taste,” Shen-nung being famed for tasting herbs), called “Son of Heaven” (Heaven meaning Heavenly Sovereign = Fu-xi). Shen-nung and Huang-di are identified also with Yan-di.

These are followed by Five Emperors descended from S’in in Yaqubi (or from As-S’in Te Shi [“Lotsatis/Nostartas”] in Masudi):

1) Aun (Masudi Meynard-Courteille: ‛-w-w-n, Sprenger: ‛-r-w-n; Yaqubi codex: ‛-r-w-r, text ed. Houtsma: ‛-r-w-n);

2) Aitdun (Masudi Meynard-Courteille: ‛-y-t-d-w-n, Sprenger: ‛-b-r-w-r or ‛-b-y-r-w-n; Yaqubi codex: ‛-n-b-r [this suggests possible reading ‛-n-d–n or ‛-y-n-d-w-n], text ed. Houtsma: ‛-y-r);

3) Aina’n (Masudi Meynard-Courteille: ‛-y-t-n-’-n, Sprenger: ‛-y-t-’-n or ‛-t–y-n-’-n; Yaqubi codex: ‛-y[?]-n[?]-’-n, with no points, so perhaps ‛-y[?]-y[?]-’-n, text ed. Houtsma: ‛-y-n-’-n);

4) Gara’ta’n (Masudi Meynard-Courteille: kh-r-’-t–’-n, Sprenger: j–r-’-b-’-n; Yaqubi codex: kh-r-’-b[?]-’-t, with no points; text ed. Houtsma: kh-r-’-b-’-t); or, with a possible exchange of w for r as in one variant of the following name: j–w-’–t-’-n;

5) Tuta’l (Masudi Meynard-Courteille: t-w-t-’-l, Sprenger: t-w-t-’-l or t-r-t-’-l; Yaqubi codex: t-w-b-’-d-l; text ed. Houtsma: t-w-t-’-l), this last being probably Yao, a.k.a. Tao-tang [= Tutal],

who is followed by the Xia Dynasty, beginning with Yu successor of Shun successor of Yao, all being descendants of Huang-di.

Possible identifications of the Five Emperors in Masudi and Yaqubi are as follows (with occasional reading of initial ayin as ghayin, presuming an original unpointed text), these being the same five Emperors who follow on from Shen-nung in Banakati “Section IV” through “Section VIII”:

1) Yan-di 1st emperor = Aun (Yan),

identified with Huang-di (who appears in this position in Banakati);

2) Shao-hao or Jin-tian 2nd emperor = Ait-dun, or perhaps better Ghain-dun (Jin-tian),

son of Huang-di, uncle of Zhuanxu;

3) Zhuanxu or Gaoyang 3rd emperor = Ai-na’n or perhaps better Ghay-ya’n (Gao-yang),

nephew of Shao-hao; the Turks are said in the text to be the descendants of “his (Ghay-ya’n’s) uncle” and Shao-hao, who was actually his uncle, though referred to as his “father” in the context of the list of kings, is the “Junior Fu-xi” = “Junior Japheth” = Gomer = Turk, eponymous ancestor of the Turks, §812, above, >>;

4) Ku or Gaoxin 4th emperor = Gara’-ta’n or perhaps better Gawa’-ta’n (Gao-xin),

grandson of Shao-hao;

5) Yao or Taotang 5th emperor = Tu-ta’l (Tao-tang),

son of Ku.

813.3. Muslim authors in China from at least as early as AD 1724 claimed Ya-fu-xi, shortened in subsequent writers to Fu-xi, the first of the Three Sovereigns of China, was Yafes or Yafis (Arabic form), that is, Japheth (Hebrew form), son of Noah. (Sources apud D. D. Leslie, Japhet in China, JAOS, Vol. 104, No. 3 [Jul-Sep 1984], pp. 403-409, esp. p. 408f. The sources he names are “Liu Chih {Liu Zhi} the greatest Islamic writer in Chinese,” who has the form “Ya-fu-hsi,” in AD 1724, “Li Huan-i {1874} and Lan Tzu-hsi {1861},” both which latter have “Fu-hsi” in the same context as the former, viz. as the third son of Noah having sway over China.) The whole passage in Leslie reads as follows (ibid. p. 408f.):

“According to Wang Tai-yü, 1642, Fu Hsi is descended from Adam; according to Ma Chu, 1683, the Arabian (Islamic rather than Kaaba?) religion goes back to Adam. Liu Chih, the greatest Islamic writer in Chinese, writing c. 1724, has San-mu (Shem) father of Arabia (the middle part of the earth), Ha-mu (Ham) of Europe (i.e. the west) and ‘the third son, named Ya-fu-hsi (Japhet), controlled the eastern part of the earth, which is now Ch’ih-na (China).’ Later, we find the identification of Japhet with Fu Hsi, the first legendary Emperor of China. Most fascinating and explicit are the accounts of Li Huan-i and Lan Tzu-hsi of the 19th century. Li Huan-i writes {ibid., note 51 p. 408, Ch’ing-chen hsien-cheng yen-hsing shih-lüeh, 1874, preface} that Japhet was the Emperor Fu Hsi, the 11th generation after Adam. He crossed over the desert from Arabia. Until his time (from that of P’an-ku) all resided in Arabia. Lan Tzu-hsi {ibid., note 51 p. 408, T’en-fang chen-hsüeh, 1861 (1925 edition), vol. 7, pp. 3-7} expands even more on Liu Chih, and writes that Noah had three sons, San-mu, Ha-mu and Fu Hsi; ruling over the Middle Land, i.e. Arabia, west of the K’un-lun mountains, the Western Land, meaning Europe, 120,000 li west of the K’un-lun mountains, and the Eastern Land, meaning Ch’ih-na (China), 120,000 li east of the K’un-lun mountains. A commentary explains that Noah named the countries, west as Europe, east as China. T’ien-fang (Arabia) was the center of the myriad countries. A commentary gives Fu Hsi’s name in Arabic script, Yāfith. Adam was buried in the K’un-lun mountains, Eve in Arabia, Seth near the Kaaba, Noah in the K’un-lun, Fu Hsi in Ch’en-tu in China. Yin-k’ang, later Shen-nung, was minister of Noah, then of Fu Hsi, then becoming his successor (Emperor); a man of Arabia, he was buried near Changsha in China.”

Doubtless this depended on earlier Christian Nestorian and Jewish traditions, since in the 1512 inscription at the Jewish synagogue at Kaifeng we find similar abbreviations of Hebrew personal names (as Yafeth to Ya-fu-xi, then Fu-xi), stated in the way of acknowledged, customary transcriptions of the Hebrew, Jews having been present in China from at least as early as the Han Dynasty. Consider, for example, the following passage from the 1512 inscription: “But do those who venerate the Scriptures know whence they come? The Scriptures of the Way, in their transmission, had a beginning. From creation down, the Patriarch Adam (A-tan, earlier in the same inscription described as having “originally come out of India [T’ien-chu] of the West country [Hsi-yü],” and referred to as “P’an-ku Adam [A-tan]” in the 1489 inscription at the same synagogue) handed them on to Noah (Nü-wo {which is the identical spelling to Nü-wo or Nü-wa, the Chinese male/female originator of a new race of men after a catastrophic flood}); Noah handed them on to Abraham (A-wu-lo-han); Abraham (Lo-han) handed them on to Isaac (Yi-ssu-ho-kê); Isaac (Ho-kê) handed them on to Jacob (Ya-ho-chüeh-wu); Jacob (Chüeh-wu) handed them on to the Twelve Tribes; the Twelve Tribes handed them on to Moses (Mieh-shê); Moses handed them on to Aaron (A-ho-lien); Aaron (Ho-lien) handed them on to Joshua (Yüeh-shu-wo); Joshua (Shu-wo) handed them on to Ezra (Ai-tzu-la). From this time the religion of the Patriarchs shone with renewed brilliance.” Here the name Abraham has a fuller and and a shorter form, A-wu-lo-han and Lo-han, as do the names Isaac, Yi-ssu-ho-kê and Ho-kê, Jacob, Ya-ho-chüeh-wu and Chüeh-wu, Aaron, A-ho-lien and Ho-lien, and Joshua, Yüeh-shu-wo and Shu-wo. These alternate forms are identical to those represented in the Chinese forms of the name Japheth according to the Muslim tradition, the fuller form being Ya-fu-xi (Ya-fu-hsi) and the shorter form Fu-xi (Fu-hsi). This strengthens our confidence in the traditional identification of Japheth and Fu-xi. A further confirmation is the flood-tradition with which Fu-xi is connected in China: Japheth similarly, of course, is associated with the Noachide flood in Genesis. Fu-xi is represented as the husband of the flood-heroine Nu-wa. Though important sources like Sima-Qian’s Shiji represent Nu-wa as male, many represent Nu-wa as female. The male Nu-wa is the Biblical Noah, as stated in the 1512 Kaifeng inscription. The female Nu-wa is surely “Noela” the wife of Japheth (= Nu-wa wife of Fu-xi) who features in the Defloratio Berosi, and who is said to have been thus “surnamed” by Noah himself employing the feminine form of his name. (See further on Noela §891.4, below, >>, and §891.21, below, >>, also §904.1f., below, >>.)

813.4. In the common Chinese tradition Fu-xi and his wife Nu-wa are two of the first Three Sovereigns of China, Fu-xi being the Sovereign of Heaven and Nu-wa the sovereign of Earth. This reflects a scheme similar to that in the native Babylonian tradition drawn on ultimately by the Defloratio, in which the male patriarchs are identified with Heaven (An) and their female spouses with Earth (Ki). The connection is confirmed in this case by the remarkable coincidence in the regnal figures ascribed to the Sovereigns of Heaven and Sovereigns of Earth who governed the heavenly and earthly elements formed in the beginning from the substance of Pangu (Adam). There were thirteen Sovereigns of Heaven, all brethren with the same name, and eleven Sovereigns of Earth likewise, viz. twenty-four brethren in all, reflecting an horological scheme dividing the day into twenty-four hours. The years of their reigns totaled 432,000 years. This figure is derived from Mesopotamia, and actually from the same sources drawn on by Berossus, who uniquely has the total of 432,000 for the reigns of the pre–diluvian kings. It was derived from the 120 “days” of Adam (= 120,000 years, reduced subsequently to 120 normal years). These “days” or “years” were interpreted as 120 “shars” (cycles of time) in Sumerian and Babylonian pre-diluvian chronology, each cycle being understood to comprise 3,600 years rather than 360,000 days (the number of literal days in one Adamic “day” comprised of 1000 × 360-day years) or rather than 360 days (the number of days in the normal or reduced years). 120 × 3,600 = 432,000 years. During this period Adam begot the “sons of God” (Sovereigns of Heaven) or Sethites, descended from his son Seth, and the “daughters of Man” of the Cainite line, from Eve’s son Cain, with whom the fallen Sethites intermarried to produce the gibborim, including the pre–diluvian kings of Berossus’ list (Sovereigns of Earth). In an Arabic representation of the primordial phases of the native Chinese tradition in Banakati (Book VIII of his History, AD 1317, which was abridged mainly from Rashid-ud-din, and wrongly ascribed at first to Beidawi) Pangu, that is, Adam according to the Kaifeng inscription, is the first of 10 named emperors, — corresponding to the Biblical 10 pre-diluvian generations beginning with Adam and terminating with the Noachide generation. The first two successors of Pangu are The Sovereign of Heaven (with his 13 brethren) and The Sovereign of Earth (with his 11 brethren), followed by The Sovereign of Man etc. The ten generations form the “First Section.” This is followed by Fu-xi and Nu-wa, — demonstrated supra to be Noah’s son Japheth and his wife Noela (though otherwise the male aspect of Nu-wa is Noah himself), — and a series of emperors who succeeded them, — corresponding positionally to the post-diluvian Titanic sons of Noa in the Defloratio. Fu-xi and Nu-wa elsewhere are identified as The Sovereign of Heaven and the Sovereign of Earth. These all form the “Second Section.” They are followed by a different “family” or dynastic line, forming the “Third Section,” which comprises Shen-nung and his offspring. In other accounts Shen-nung is The Sovereign of Man. The post-diluvian husband-wife-child triad of Sovereigns of Heaven (Fu-xi = Japheth), Earth (Nu-wa = Noela) and Man (Shen-nung), duplicates in this scheme the pre–diluvian triad of the Sovereigns of Heaven, Earth and Man formed from the substance of Pangu/Adam. Then in Banakati follows the “Fourth Section” comprising the “family” or dynastic line of Huang-di, who elsewhere is variously a brother of, or identified with, Shen-nung. He is followed in the “Fifth Section” by Shao-hao (the “Junior Fu-xi/Japheth” = Gomer, Yafis Oghlan, though Banakati himself does not identify the Chinese with Biblical figures), who is described as having “no father.” This is reminiscent of the tradition which equates Gomer with Gayomart/Adam, as Adam similarly had no human father. Elsewhere Shao-hao is described as the son of Huang-di. Sections VI through VIII in Banakati are Zhuanxu, Ku and Yao, as restored also in Yaqubi and Masudi supra.

813.5. The Three Sovereigns are named differently in different accounts, but Fu-xi, Nu-wa and Huang-di are the Three Sovereigns in many ancient sources, Huang-di being commonly identified with Shen-nung, the third member of the triad in the alternative scheme. Huang-di is the ancestor of the genealogical lines of the Xia, Shang, Zhou, Qin and Han dynasties, and so forth, well into the first and second millennia AD. In Chinese Buddhist tradition Huang-di is identified with Lao-zi (Buddha) to form a single spiritual essence, Huang-Lao. In other words, Huang-di is Buddha himself, Avalokiteshvara. This is the Buddha of Adam’s Peak in Sri Lanka, otherwise Shiva or Soma-Rudra. Soma-Rudra is the god of the moon, the Arabic Al Qamar. In Africa Al Qamar has bestowed his name on Mount Qomr or the Mountain of the Moon, which is the ultimate source of the waters of the Nile. One stream of medieval Arabic tradition held that the name Qomr in this last location is identical to Amur/Abur (as if Qomr = Amur), the son, or grandson via Tubal, of Japheth, viz. of Fu-xi, who is represented in Yaqubi and Masudi etc. to have been the ancestor of all the Chinese. In related texts Amur is also the ancestor of the Khmer in Indo-China and the neighboring archipelagos. (Arabic sources in G. Ferrand, Les îles Râmny, Lâmery, Wâḳwâḳ, Ḳomor, des géographes arabes et Madagascar, Journal Asiatique, dixieme serie, tome X, Nov-Dec. 1907, p. 433ff. esp. p. 506ff.)

For example: Ibn Said in the Geography of Abulfeda {ed. Reinaud, my translation of the French, in Ferrand, op. cit. p. 512} t. I, p. cccxvii-cccxix: “The mountain of the Qomr, which gives birth to the Nile, is also named from the Qomr, a people who are brothers to the Chinese. The Qomr, as well as the Chinese, are descended from Amur, son of Japheth. Originally they lived with the Chinese, but when discord arose, they were obliged to retire to the neighboring islands, from which they spread successively onto the continent of Africa.” Similarly id., ibid. t. II, 1, p. 81-82 (Ferrand op. cit., p. 522), where the different spellings of the name of the mountain are discussed, either Qomr (from the people) or Qamar (from the moon), and where the name is said to be derived by Ibn Motarraf from qamara = “dazzle the sight.”

The Arab tradition is that the area inhabited by the Zang or Zing (Cushites descended from Sabtah [= Zing], son of Cush, the eponymous ancestor of the ruling elite of Sheba), including Zanzibar, the eastern and other regions of Africa (and Mount Qomr), spread over the borders of the Indian Ocean in the Far East as well as in the West, so that dark-skinned Zing mixed with Japhethite Amur, Qomr or Khmer in Indo-China, Indonesia etc. The Isle of Qomr in these sources is Malaysia. Even the name Zang (from the ethnic designation) was applied indiscriminately to the island we know as Zanzibar, as well as to an island in the Orient, possibly Java. The name Java was attached in the Middle Ages to two islands, the larger Sumatra and the smaller neighboring island to the south-east, which we know as Java. In Marignolli’s time (mid 14th century AD), the whole region was known as “Sheba,” and it was ruled by a woman, the “Queen of Sheba.” Historically this was Queen Tribhuwana (a.k.a. Dyah Gitarja, reigned AD 1329-1350) of the Majapahit Empire, whose domain covered Sumatra, Java and adjoining islands at that period. (Marignolli visited Saba [Sheba] c. 1348 or 1349, Yule, Cathay, vol. II, p. 321.) The name of Indians or Sabaeans attached to the inhabitants of mixed Khmer-Sabaean descent resulted in a fusion of terms in the ethnological nomenclature, so that Qomr (Khmer) became a name for the Sabaeans wherever located (as for example in the African Mount Qomr). Thus also the toponym Cyn-kalan (Canton), whose first element comprised the ethnic term Chin = Huang = Amur/Qomr, was translated “Great India,” in Marignolli (apud Yule, ibid., p. 373). The natives of Sri Lanka were referred to as Sabaeans well into the Middle Ages. The Sabaean triad of Sun (a male deity), Moon (Al-maqah, a female deity) and Venus (son of the first two) appears in the Othmanic Quran (Sura 55. 5-6) as Sun, Moon (Qamar) and the Star (An-Najm, Venus). Al-maqah here is equivalent to Qamar as a name of the Moon (goddess), and it is Al-maqah who has been thought to be the particular Sabaean deity who was transformed in Sri Lanka into Avalokiteshvara, the “god/goddess of mercy.” Thus Qamar (Amur) = Avalokiteshvara = Buddha = Huang-Lao = Huang-di. In other words, Huang-di, the ancestor of the Chinese in the native Chinese sources, is the Arabic Amur, ancestor of the Chinese, Khmer etc. in the medieval Muslim sources. As Amur = Abur = Avar = Iber = Tubal, the Three Sovereigns Fu-xi, Nu-wa and Huang-di are Japheth (Fu-xi), Noela (Nu-wa) and Tubal.

Queen Tribhuwana of Sumatra and Java (Sheba)

813.5.1. Confirming the equation of the Chinese “Buddha” Huang-di with the Biblical patriarch Tubal, which latter, following Josephus, is usually considered to be the eponymus of the Iberians/​Hispani/​Hesperi of far-away Spain (Tubal = Iber), is a famous story in the Thousand and One Arabian Nights. This relates that Qamar-al-zaman, “Moon [Qamar] in its Periodical Cycle [zaman]” (= Qomr = Amur = Tubal) crossed over from his home in a paradisiacal region in Africa (Juzair al Khalida, the “Eternal Isle,” identified as the Canary Islands, the Classical Hesperides, named after Hesperus = Tubal) to China, in order to be united in marriage to Budur “daughter of the Emperor of China.” (Budur means “Full Moon” in Arabic, and has an obvious phonetic affinity to the name Buddha = the lunar god/goddess Soma-Rudra-Avalokiteshvara.) Before meeting Qamar-al-zaman Budur had no interest in marriage and was persecuted by her father as a result. The motif of the reluctant bride is borrowed, it seems clear, from the Chinese incarnation of (the female) Avalokiteshvara, otherwise of White Tara, the moon-goddess Chandri, called Miaoshan, daughter of a sovereign of China, who had the identical aversion to the conjugal state, wishing to become a Buddhist nun. The tale as reworked in the Thousand and One Nights is evidently an attempt to explain the presence of Qamar, the eponymus of Mount Qomr and of the Amur (Abur/​Tubal) people, in the Far East by identifying the eponymous patriarch with the moon-god Soma = Shiva (the male Avalokiteshvara), who was, and still is, widely worshiped in parts of Indo-China and the neighboring archipelagos. The Hindu moon-god, also known as Chandra, has a female form Chandri, identified with the female Avalokiteshvara, and she represents the god’s shakti or energy. This is Budur (for Buddha) in the Arabian tale. Like Avalokiteshvara, Budur changes her sex in the course of the narrative, but in her case merely in appearance, by adopting the garments and demeanor of a male. Qamar’s home in Africa is a paradisiacal (“Hesperidean”) region, as in the case of Mount Qomr itself, for Mount Qomr is the source of the Nile or Gihon, which is one of the rivers of Paradise. The tradition originated evidently amongst the Sheba people (Sabaeans) who inhabited all these regions, from Ethiopia (Sheba) westwards along the coasts of North Africa, as far as the Hesperides off the western coast of Africa, and eastwards from Ethiopia across the Indian Ocean as far as Indo-China and the neighboring archipelagos.

813.5.2. Huang-di has an astral form, or rather several astral forms. He is identified especially with Regulus the chief star in Leo (the Lion), as well as with the stars in the same and adjoining constellations which include the lion’s mane and a trail of stars above it leading towards the pole. These areas of the sky form part of a much larger Lion in Arabic uranography, stretching over what we call Leo itself, Hydra and Virgo, as far as Arcturus and parts of Gemini. This Arabic Lion features as its most noticeable star Spica, and that star, and the neighboring ones, are known as Sanbal or Sunbelah, meaning “Ear of Corn,” which is the precise Arabic equivalent of the Aramaic Shubil: Shubil is the form of the name of the Hebrew patriarch Tubal (son of Japheth) employed in the Arabic accounts of early Chinese history. The Arabic scheme depends on earlier Near-Eastern star-lore, derived ultimately from Mesopotamia. A single constellation in that scheme contains the stars called by the Hebrew name Tubal (Shubil) and those called by the Chinese Huang-di, whilst Tubal and Huang-di have been shown to be names applied to the identical patriarch (Tubal = Abur/​Amur/​Kama’d = Huang-di). As final “l” in the name Tuta’l in Yaqubi and Masudi supra seems to correspond to final “ng” in the corresponding Chinese name Tao-tang, it is possible Shen-nung (identified with Huang-di) is a Sinicization of the Semitic Sanbal (= Shubil, Tubal), the medial “b” being softened to a w/u, so Sanbal > San(n)ual > Shennung. In the commentary quoted by Leslie, op. cit. supra, p. 409, Shen-nung is described as a “man of Arabia,” and a minister of Noah and Fu-xi (Japheth), which implies he belonged to that earliest Biblical generation of migrants from the Near East.

813.6. The name Amur, as in the ethnic name Khmer, is found with an initial hard “k(h),” and the final letter “r” alternates with “d,” which produces the attested variant form Kama’d (k-m-’-d) in Yakut (III, p. 444, Kama’d son of Yafis/Japheth = Amur son of Yafis/Japheth, grandfather of Sin). Initial “k(h)” in Semitic words is transcribed “Ho” or “Hu” in Chinese, so the consonantal form of this name — k(h)-m-d — corresponds to the Chinese Hoam-d(i), which is an alternative, in fact, the early Renaissance way, of writing the name Huang-di, Latin “m” here representing the sound of Chinese “ng.” Huang like Arabic q-m-r means “brilliant.” The biconsonantal Semitic root q-m, k-m, g-m, ‛-m, etc., means to “close, shut off, complete, perfect, consume, finish,” and hence is used to describe the fire or brilliance of a coal once “consumed” and especially of a gem compared to a coal, whence arises the meaning “brilliant.” In other words, Huang-di is a Sinicization of the Semitic Kama’d/Amur, reflecting the form, as well as the meaning, of the Semitic name. Huang-di, like Amur, is represented to have been the ultimate ancestor of the whole Chinese race. Huang-di, like Amur (and Sin), is said to have lived to the age of 300 years (a longevity typical of the immediate post-diluvian generations). He is said finally to have partaken of the elixir of eternal life and so to have become immortal in the heavens. Soma (“moon” = Qamar = Qomr = Amur) in Hinduism is the source of the Soma juice (the brilliant-white light of Soma, the moon), or elixir of eternal life, and the moon is the heavenly form of the patriarch Amur. Thus, the trio Japheth, his wife Noela, and Kama’d/Amur, corresponds precisely to the Chinese trio of the Three Sovereigns, Fu-xi, Nu-wa and Huang-di. Sometimes Amur is described as the son simply of Japheth (and his wife), rather than the grandson, and the triad of father, mother and son duplicates in that form the common pattern in the Three Sovereigns tradition. A Father, Mother, Son triad is, of course, common also in pagan theogonies. In summary, Amur or Huang-di, the Brilliant One (“son of,” viz. secondary eponymous form, of Tubal, son of Japheth), bore the name of the Brilliant moon-god, Qamar, and thus came to be worshiped as a form of the Hindu moon-god Chandra, otherwise Shiva or Soma. Chandra likewise is a divine name constructed out of the consonantal string k-m/ng-d. Buddha (Lao-zi) was subsequently viewed as another form of the same god, Huang-Lao, combining the identities and attributes of Lao-zi and Huang-di.

813.7. The first emperor of the Qin Dynasty, 221-209 BC, personal name Zheng, identified himself with Huang-di and was titled accordingly Qin Shi Huang, First (Shi) Qin (State of Qin) Emperor (Huang, Huang-di), or Shi Huang-di. He was the tyrannical sovereign who arranged for the construction of the prototype of the Great Wall of China, having united the warring states of the later Zhou period into a single empire, the State of Qin, with the intention to protect his domains from the Huns and other marauders on the marches. He was also the emperor who deposited the famous terracotta army in his tomb. As Huang-di was identified with the Buddha of Adam’s Peak in Sri Lanka, who was, in turn, identified by the Arabs with Al Khidr and Dhu’l Karnaim, it comes as no surprise to find a reference in the Othmanic Quran to the building of a great wall by “Dhu’l Karnaim” in the Orient meant to exclude the hosts of Yajuj and Majuj, Gog and Magog, viz. the Huns and related peoples. This Dhu’l Karnaim, the builder of the great Oriental wall, was clearly Huang-di (Buddha) in the form of Emperor Qin Shi Huang and not Alexander of Macedon (who was also and more commonly titled Dhu’l Karnaim), since Alexander built no wall to exclude the Huns. Some Turkish historians believed the wall-building Dhu’l Karnaim was Oghuz Khan, but this makes little sense, as Oghuz Khan, though identified indeed with Dhu’l Karnaim alongside many other heroes of antiquity, was the ancestor, in fact, the eponymus himself, of the very Huns the wall was built to exclude. The tradition illustrates one manner in which the name and functions of the Arabic Dhu’l Karnaim or Al Khidr of Adam’s Peak (Avalokiteshvara) might, and actually did in this case, pass on to the Chinese patriarch and divinity Huang-di. Al Khidr was also Khwaja Khidr of the Indus, corresponding to Al-Sind = Sheba (Heb. sheba = “spark”), son of Cush, the “god of fire.” It is probable, therefore, that the Chinese god of fire, Yan-di or Yen-di, who was one of the Five Emperors in some lists and also identified with Huang-di, was originally Sheba, son of Cush. As inferred supra in relation to Shen-nung and Huang-di/​Kama’d/​Amur, it might be that the name Yan-di or Yen-di is itself a Sinicization of “Ind” (In-d > Yan-di, otherwise Ind/Sind = Sheba), the name of the genius of the Indus in his fiery aspect, Al Khidr = Shiva (Avalokiteshvara), the god of consuming fire.

(Fu-xi)	Japheth	=		Noela	(Nu-wa)
(Huang[-di])	Abur/Amur/Chin a.k.a.	Tubal		a.k.a. Shubil	(Shen-nung)
		↓
	([Chief of] Huang[-people])	Abur/Amur/Qomr		Al-maqah/Sheba/(S)ind	(Yan-di)
		↓
	([Chief of] Huang[-city])	Chin

			Three Sovereigns
1. Fu-xi a.k.a.	Japheth		=		Noela	a.k.a. 3. Nu-wa
	2. Shen-nung a.k.a.		Tubal		a.k.a. Huang-di
			Five Emperors
			1. Huang-di		a.k.a. Yan-di
			2. Shao-hao
			Shao-hao’s nephew:
			3. Zhuanxu
			Shao-hao’s grandson:
	(4. Changyi =)		4. Di Ku (= 3. Qingdu)		(= 2. Jiandi)	(= 1. Jiang Yuan)
					↓	↓
	Di Zhi abdicated to		5. Yao appointed:
					↓	↓
			Shun appointed:
			the grandson of		↓	↓
			Zhuanxu:
			Yu		↓	↓
			the first king of:
			Xia Dynasty		Shang Dynasty	Zhou Dynasty

The chart supra illustrates the various Chinese identifications of the Biblical Tubal

b. The Story of Oghuz Khan

814. Oghuz Khan was the founding father of the Huns. He was the Chun-wei of Chinese tradition, the son of Jie, the last king of the Xia (Hia, Hsia), the first dynasty of China. The Huns received their name, Chunwei (later Xiong-nu), from their ancestor. Chun-wei is the Hunnus of the Defloratio Berosi and the Hunor of Hungarian tradition, the eponymous founding father of the Huns. (See further §904.1, below, >>.) The story of Oghuz (Ughuz, Aghuz) should be more celebrated than it is. He was one of the great champions of monotheism in the early second millennium BC against the encroaches of Nimrod’s idolatry and nature-worship, as Sam had been at its beginning against Cush. For those who might be tempted to reject the whole story as myth, and as a mere reflex of the much later invasions of Genghis Khan, it should be pointed out that an incursion of a devastating “army” from the east into Mesopotamia, like that of Oghuz’s army in the following account, §847ff., below, >>, is recorded in the Sumerian King List (§605f., above, >>). It occurred towards the end of the Dynasty of Agade (Akkad, Accad), c. 1850-1800 BC (Biblical chronology, see the chart at §77.1, above, >>), and, indeed, brought an end to that dynasty. It was called the “army of Gutium.” In the Sumerian King List the first named king of the army of Gutium, — that would be the leader of the Gutian hordes when they first invaded Mesopotamia, — is called Inki(w)u or Ingawa, and this, almost certainly, is an attempt to represent the sound of the name pronounced Chun-wei in Chinese, the eponymus of the Chunwei, Xiong-nu or Huns, the medieval Hunnus or Hunor, that is, of Oghuz himself. The relevant section of the Sumerian King List (line numbers from the principal text WB) reads as follows:

“….

306 the kingship

307 was taken to the army (ms. Su3+Su4 has instead: land) of Gutium.

308 In the army (ms. Su3+Su4 has instead: land) of Gutium,

309 at first no king was famous;

310 they were their own kings and ruled thus for 3 years.

(309-310 ms. L1+N1 has instead: they had no king; they ruled themselves for 5 years).

311 Then Inkiwu (in-ki-[w]u) (ms. Su3+Su4 has instead: <in>gawa [in]-/ga\-wa……) ruled for 6 (ms. L1+Ni1 has instead: 7) years.

….”

{Note: The last sign in the name Inkiwu is “u” (or “wu,” the same sign being alternatively read “bu” or “wu” [bu12]) which can also be read “shush.” Most modern editions elect to read it “shush,” but “u” is the more common reading of the sign, and the variant <In>gawa, shows the final element in the name should be read “(w)u” or “wa,” not “shush.”}

The name Gutium has been thought to be formed from the word GUD, “Ox.” It is surely no coincidence that the name Oghuz means, precisely, “Ox” (as pointed out at the beginning of the account, §816, below, >>). In fact, the Turkish name retains the very form of the ancient GUD: GUD > Ghuz, otherwise Oghuz. The “army of Gutium” was the “army of Oghuz.” The date, on the Biblical chronology, matches the traditional date for Oghuz. The army of Gutium made a particular point of destroying Mesopotamian temples, and was accordingly excoriated by the Mesopotamian scribes as a horde of wild barbarians. This is as expected, since Oghuz’ aim was to restore the primitive monotheism of Noah and the faithful patriarchs in those lands where idolatry had gained a foothold. Oghuz’s title was Tanju, meaning “Son of Heaven.” This title appears in one Classical source as “Tanaus” and one post-Classical source as “Tanausis.” (The identity of Oghuz Khan and Tanaus is argued in P. J. Strahlenberg, An Historico-Geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, London, 1738, pp. 136-138.) From him the River Tanais (Don) is said to have received its name (§891.92, below, >>). Both sources represent the figure so designated as an ancient king of the Scythians (the Classical term for “Huns”) who invaded vast areas of the Near East and neighboring regions before the rise of Ctesias’ earlier Assyrian Empire. His invasion occurred in the time of Sesostris of Egypt (viz. Sesostris III of Dynasty XII, approximately 1770 BC), or between Sesostris and Ninus (I) of Assyria, the latter being dateable to c. 1750 BC. The Classical account is that of Justinus in his epitome of Pompeius Trogus (I. 1): “There were indeed in times more ancient [viz. than Ninus (I)] Sesostris king of Egypt and Tanaus king of Scythia, one of which [viz. Sesostris] marched as far as Pontus, the other [viz. Tanaus] as far as Egypt. But they carried on remote, not neighboring wars: nor did they seek dominion for themselves, but glory for their people; and, content with victory, declined the government of their conquests.” The post-Classical writer is Jordanes in his Gothic History (47f.): “This [viz. around the Black Sea and the Caspian] was the region where the Goths dwelt when Vesosis [= Sesostris], king of the Egyptians, made war upon them. Their [viz. the Goths’] king at that time was Tanausis. In a battle at the river Phasis (whence come the birds called pheasants, which are found in abundance at the banquets of the great all over the world) Tanausis, king of the Goths, met Vesosis king of the Egyptians, and there inflicted a severe defeat upon him, pursuing him even to Egypt. Had he not been restrained by the waters of the impassable Nile and the fortifications which Vesosis had long ago ordered to be made against the raids of the Ethiopians, he would have slain him in his own land. But finding he had no power to injure him there, he returned and conquered almost all Asia, and made it subject and tributary to Sornus {correct: Sosnus, §286.0.1, above, >>}, king of the Medes, who was then his dear friend. At that time some of his victorious army, seeing that the subdued provinces were rich and fruitful, deserted their companies and of their own accord remained in various parts of Asia. [48] From their name or race Pompeius Trogus says the stock of the Parthians had its origin. Hence even to-day in the Scythian tongue they are called Parthi, that is, Deserters. And in consequence of their descent they are archers — almost alone among all the nations of Asia — and are very valiant warriors. Now in regard to the name, though I have said they were called Parthi because they were deserters, some have traced the derivation of the word otherwise, saying that they were called Parthi because they fled from their kinsmen. Now, when this Tanausis, king of the Goths, was dead, his people worshiped him as one of their gods.” These accounts have been dismissed as mythical but they are in harmony with the much later Arabic account of Oghuz Tanju and the much earlier historical notices from Mesopotamia relating to the army of Gutium. (Some scholars in the 19th century speculated that the ethnic term “Goth,” as employed in Jordanes’ History inter alia, was derived ultimately from this same Mesopotamian term “Gutium” or “Guti.”) The following account is a translation from the German of Erdmann’s Temudschin, Leipzig, 1862, outlining the traditional story of his life from Rashid-ud-din (Erdmann, op. cit., p. 465ff., translated from his German with my additional notes in braces {}):

815. “Ckarachan {Qara Khan} was on the throne and wore the crown of his father as described in the following account:

816. “A son was born to him marked by the following happy sign: for three days and nights his son failed to take his mother’s milk. So, overcome with concern, depressed and confused, she had a dream in which it was as if he was talking to her, saying: “If you want to breast-feed me then believe in the One God, and believe this faith and its commandments are holy.” The vision came three nights in a row. Since the whole tribe up to that time put its trust in idols, his mother refrained from telling anyone her experience, and instead quietly believed for herself in the Highest God, and, raising her hands in prayer, said, “Lord God, let this little son taste of my helpless breast!” — at which the little boy immediately took his mother’s breast and began feeding. After one year he showed signs of the nobility with which he was later to be endowed. His father, struck by his son’s unrivaled beauty and perfection, said, “None so beautiful was ever born to our people and our family.” After one year the little boy, who had already acquired a gifted tongue conversing with Jesus {sic}, said, “In honor of my birth-place, you must call me Oghuz [Ox].” At this time Oghuz was just a little boy. Utterly amazed at these words of his, recognizing them to be the finger of God, they called him Oghuz.

817. “As he grew, he became a youth of great insight, resolute, filled with thanks and praise to the true God, and mindful of his Creator in everything. The shining light of the true God lit up his countenance, while he slept and when he woke. He grew up into a man of discretion, insight, good manners, and gifted with great skill in archery and fencing, in battle and war. His father arranged for the daughter of his uncle Gerchan to be sent to him. As Oghuz led her to his house to be his wife he invited her to believe in the true God. She, however, refused to hear of it, and broke off all acquaintance with him. With the experience of her lack of respect towards him fresh in his mind, his father arranged another marriage between him and his brother Gezchan’s daughter, but he promptly put her away. Noticing the jealousy between these two daughters Ckarachan gave him the daughter of his brother Urchan. It so happened, that one day she was taking a leisurely stroll with her maidens by the banks of the river, admiring herself, while the maidens were busy washing their clothes. Just then Oghuz returned from hunting. Her engagement to him was preceded by the following declaration: “If you fulfill my longing desire, and allow it to be fulfilled, I will unite with you from my innermost being. If not, I will distance myself from you, and continue to live at a distance, as I have done with my other brides.” Urchan’s daughter replied thus, “I submit to you, and will do all that you tell me to do. Wherever your ring is, there is my ear, wherever your turban is, there is my head.” Oghuz led this daughter to his house. He lived together with her, and loved her extraordinarily. His wife walked in the way of unity and love. He distanced himself, however, and kept himself totally separate from his other two wives.

818. “Thereafter, Ckarachan held a pagan feast at which all three of Oghuz’s wives were present and took part in the wine. During the meal it so happened that the first two wives, who were exceedingly beautiful and more lovely in appearance than the last, and who had waited so long for the right opportunity said with such hatred and animosity: “Oghuz invited us to believe in the one God, but we replied that we did not know how to worship Him. That is why he got in a rage and left us. This girl, however, fulfilled his wish, and he has therefore shown himself loving and kind towards her. Now both man and wife have taken up their new religion and abandoned and split up from their fathers and mothers.”

819. “When Ckarachan told this to his wife, she denied everything, which vexed Ckarachan so much that he quickly summoned his brothers and relatives, who were also opposed, and said: “My son was worthy of the crown and of being King in his happy youth. Now, we see, he has abandoned his religion and chosen another Faith. How can we bear this blasphemy, this shame, this unhappiness? How can we admit that a boy of ours and of our Faith has become so scornful and indifferent?” After careful collaboration they all agreed together to kill Oghuz and quickly prepared for his murder.

820. “Oghuz’s youngest wife who truly loved him, sent one of her maidens to him to tell him of this news and to make clear the danger he was in. Consequently Oghuz prepared for battle. It was as he was returning from hunting and approaching his home that he saw his father, his uncles and other relatives, assembled and ready for battle. He and his young companions quickly engaged with them in battle, and fired arrows at them. His father Ckarachan, Gerchan and Gezchan all died. Oghuz fought his 75 year old uncle and his relatives, and after much resistance, finally defeated them, wiping them all out. He claimed the territory and its river beside the town of Ckarackorum, and its surrounding area. Those who were left, too weak to resist, and convinced of the impossible situation, said: “We are for you and your people and your tribe. We are fruit of the same tree, branches of the same root, why be so quick to wipe us out and take us over?” Oghuz replied: “If you would recognize and honor the One God, you would find forgiveness for your souls, and I would leave you to rule over Turkestan.” But this was not what they wanted, so Oghuz fought them back to Ckarackoram, where, taking the advice of their conqueror, strained by their weak, helpless position in the valley, and on the desolate banks of the river Bu’ala, they gave themselves up to a painful defeat, and gave Oghuz a place to stay for the summer and winter. Because of their poverty, helplessness, weakness and oppression, their ever-present sadness and distress, they called Oghuz: “Amu-wal,” which means “forever downcast,” saying: “with unabashed heart and without mercy they don the dog’s coat: nourish yourselves on the fresh kill, and move in to the land of Turkestan.”

821. “In the opinion of the Turks the Mongolians come from the tribe of Urchan and Gerchen, who inhabit the eastern countries. Therefore, little is known about the line of ancestry as it came from the other two daughters, and from those imprisoned who prayed for mercy.

822. “A golden time followed, led by Oghuz, as soon as he had made peace, during which time he held a feast for his followers and friends, to whom he gave the name of Uighur, which means “supporters, those following in his footsteps,” in Turkish. They had helped him and united with him. Apart from this there were those who made wagons to carry away the goods and clothes during the time of plundering and looting of their enemies, (before then they did not exist): these transported the booty and carried it away. Because of this they were called “Ckanckli.”

823. “The armies of Telas, Ssirem and these areas attacked during Oghuz’s reign, but he forced them out and took possession of the areas surrounding Telas and Ssirem up to Mawarennahr, Buchara and Charizm. He then returned to his homeland and made a pact with his people and those from around this area, which they agreed to, and this led him to move on to take over the world. After restoring unity to the disunity between Oghuz and his family, he sent messengers to Hindustan, commanding them to submit and pay tribute. The inhabitants and Magnates of Hindustan sent the messengers away with a blunt, coarse reply, rose up with indignation and prepared to resist. On hearing this, Oghuz immediately left for Hindustan, marching to the Adudan territory, where he stayed several days, then set forth from there to Anckariah. There lies a mountain between the sea and an invincible stronghold, where no ship is able to approach. Oghuz ordered a boat be sent, resembling a refuse boat, and set off across the water. In this way he cunningly took Anckariah.

824. “Sheikh Ughul Jaghmachan was the king of a vast territory on the east side of Hind. When he heard of the battle and of Oghuz’s triumph over Hind, he immediately submitted offering a large sum of money. After Oghuz’s departure, when he was a distance away, he opposed him again, rising up against him. Oghuz returned, destroyed him, subdued his kingdom, and marched on further, adding to his train all the territories he came across, finally to rule over the whole of Tschin, Matschin and Tengias. From there he finally returned with great treasures to his homeland in Turkestan, then moved on to Artack and Alatack.

825. “Two great mountains, Burckiulu-thack and Burckailu-thack, rise up from the land of Almalick. They are called Dan-bar. Here there were two large plains called Burkan and Lurckan. Oghuz arrived and had been there for fourteen days already before the Tsar of this land, Inal-Chan, gathered together an army to fight Oghuz. The two armies met together and fought for eight days. Many died on both sides. Finally, Oghuz’s warriors found new strength, like that of a lion, and began new attacks, letting off a stream of arrows, like a terrifying rainstorm over their opponents, thus gaining the victory. Inal-Chan was among the slain on the battlefield. Oghuz strengthened himself and his kingdom, turned back to his homeland Urthack and Gezthack, so that his troops could be refreshed and take their rest, having conquered the northern territories. During the march he concentrated on the battle plan with his Generals, and decided to camp in Amujah, to send them an envoy to urge them to surrender and pay Tribute in Ghur and Gudschestan. If the people there obeyed his command willingly, all well and good, if not, they must be forced by the sword.

826. “Next they moved towards Gurdschestan with his men and sent on an envoy. The king of Ghur received his envoy with multiple gestures of honor, declaring himself willing to submit and obey, swiftly giving himself up to Oghuz and vowing to pay the yearly Tribute. He explained how that in both the neighboring territories and in those surrounding them were many enemies. In response, Oghuz sent 100 exemplary horsemen as forerunners to the kings of Ghur and the neighboring territories, urging them to submit and obey, or, if they resisted, endure a slaughter.

827. “In accordance with this command, all the territories of Thur, Gurdschestan, Ghaznah, Zabul, and Ckabul, submitted and agreed to send a yearly Tribute to the state Treasury. The warriors returned victorious and triumphant and renewed their oath to Oghuz. They were strongly united in their resolve to advance northwards, turning towards Gurd and Baschherd. Here they reached firstly Lughur, which is a high stronghold, whose commander is called Afrasiah Baghi. Oghuz advanced with his army and took over the territory, whose inhabitants, at the suggestion of its Magnates and Elders, called Oghuz “Acka,” because of his beauty and grace. Since he was resolved to continue his march to Gurd and Baschgherd, involving dangers of various kinds, a thousand families surrounded him, calling him Uck-tuckra-Oghuz. He gave the order that anyone who stayed behind in the march should be punished. Since there were many older men among them, who were too weak to follow him or carry out his orders, let alone get into a battle, Oghuz, who was told about their weak disposition, sent them therefore to Uckia to stay. Uckia lies next to Almalick, which in Persian is “white belt.” Among the older men, however, there was a very clever, wise old man, who had a lot of experience and understanding, called Buschi Chodschah. He had a son called Ckara-Sulg. Buschi Chodschah said to his son: “If you set out on an unknown path ahead without one older, wiser man among you, what will become of you? What if you go wrong and experience hardship and are unable to get back on track? Keep me with you and I can daily guide you.” His son retorted: “Dear father, how can I go against Oghuz’s orders?” However he finally packed him in his trunk with all his clothes, and took him anyway.

828. “They reached Gurd and Baschgherd, where an adventuresome and thieving people lived, and because of their pride and arrogance, they neither recognized nor took account of the world’s Conqueror. Once their Tsar, Faschr, had been captured, the Gurds and Baschgherds submitted and agreed to the Tribute. From there they entered the desert where they found not a drop of water, nor juice from a leaf. Ckara-Sulg told his father about this, to which Buschi Chodschah replied: “Tie several oxen together, chase them around until they get thirsty, then set one of them free. You will find water there where that ox runs.” Ckara-Sulg did so, and, sure enough, they found enough water to satisfy everybody. On finding out about this, Oghuz Khan showed him much kindness, and called him Jurtdschi (a representative of Jurt) for the whole country and for Uliss.

829. “Oghuz then pushed on towards Itil, up to the places called Uckckaragut-iluta. As soon as the inhabitants heard news of his arrival they fled, leaving behind all their four-footed beasts, large and small, as well as many valuables. When the army reached the river, they saw what they thought was gold and silver vessels, that looked like bowls and goblets of silver, and numerous fascinating pots, beneath crystal-clear water. They dived in to pull them out, but found nothing. At this they were both shocked and dismayed. Ckara-Sulg reported the incident to his father. His father asked: “Is there nothing noticeable or outstanding at the river bank?” Ckara-Sulg replied: “Yes there is an old tree at the bank of the river, that stands out.” The father said: “The reflection in the water is pointing to something they have hidden in the tree.” Ckara-Sulg went and examined the tree. On finding all the silver and gold vessels, he lay them down before Oghuz. Oghuz graciously took them and paid Ckara-Sulg many compliments, whilst thinking to himself : “Since we are on a world mission, we might leave him in Jurt, Telas or Ssirem. If, however, the enemy takes over in our absence, we will be left with a bad reputation, and with the reproach of having an evil desire to overcome the world. Since he could not therefore take one more step ahead, he decided to return to Telas and Almalick, and there he left one of his own tribe to watch over Jurt.

830. “On the edge of the Darkness, is a country called Ckil-Berack. There the menfolk are dark brown in color, and have mixed features. The women walk tall and upright. As Oghuz approached, he sent nine horsemen on ahead with a message to say: “The larger part of the earth has submitted to me, therefore obey my orders and pay me Tribute. If you submit all well and good, if not, prepare for war, and the sword will decide for us. We are speedily on our way.” To which they replied: “If you, by some unknown means, engage in a duel and win, we will pay Tribute. If you lose, and are overcome, then take your leader and go.” With indignation the messengers replied: “Two of us will fight with two of you.”

831. “There were two water jugs at this place, filled with lime, one black and the other white, ready for use. Before a duel, they would jump into the white jug naked, so that the lime stuck to their hair. Then jump out and dance around in the white sand. They would then climb into the black jug of lime, then dance around in the black dirt. When the ointment had dried three times over on their limbs, no weapon could then penetrate their bodies. In short, the two soldiers appointed for the duel were killed. The remaining seven returned to Oghuz, and told him of the event, and of their memorable departure. Oghuz was violent towards them, striking them to the ground. Their enemies had gained a victory which had left an enormous scar, that would last the rest of their lives, an open wound in Oghuz’s camp. The remaining men were scattered. Oghuz decided that battle was to no avail, and went away to a great river.

832. “The inhabitants of Ckil-Berack resembled dogs both in their nakedness and in how they walked. Therefore, they were unable to cross the river. Oghuz settled in between the two rivers, treating it as a place of rest. There, those seeking refuge and those downcast could gather to him again. It so happened that one of Oghuz’s soldiers who had fled, arrived in Ckil-Berack, and hid himself among the womenfolk. Since the women looked like cats, and had the nature of dogs, displaying themselves immodestly, they very much liked him. They all gathered round, coveting his presence. As a gift they brought him to the wife of Il-Berack, who was so pleased with him and his conduct, that she wanted no more to do with her husband. Il-Berak’s wife admired the soldier so much and was so devoted to him, that she became jealous of Oghuz, and secretly sent him the following note: “If you would like to get the victory over your enemies, and subdue them, then make yourselves thorns of iron, let each man attach some to their stirrups and scatter the rest over the battlefield, and put double-thick iron shoes on their horses’ hooves, so they don’t get damaged. Next, fire arrows at the houses and outposts of your enemies, who are naked and invulnerable, due to the lime-coating.” Oghuz was delighted with this idea. He stayed a little while longer at the place in between the rivers, sent a ship on ahead to the women with some handsome envoys, with orders to do what was necessary with the eager women, to get them lined up and sent to him. The women were ready to comply, and it was in this way, through their company, that dominion was won in this territory. Oghuz was comforted by his devoted companions for seventeen years.

833. “Then he got his troops back into line. He made preparations, accumulating the weapons he needed, and making the necessary battle plans. His children, meanwhile, were growing up. He had four sons by his wife. It so happened that one of his men that had fallen in battle, also had a wife who was with child. As the time of its birth approached, she found the hollow of a tree, had the baby and died. The suckling babe was brought to Oghuz, who, having rescued him from his evil fate, gave him the name Ckiptschack, as Ckiptschack is derived from Ckipeck, which in Turkish means a “lazy tree,” one that is empty inside. All the people of Ckiptschack and their descendents come from him. Because of this, some Turks are of the opinion that Oghuz had stayed “yoked” to Ckil-Berack for two more years to complete and tie up all the loose ends, thus bringing everything to order. He went on from there into the following territory of “Darkness.”

834. “Unable to find his way through this land, surrounded by the overwhelming presence of darkness in Ckarahulun, he sought the advice of those around as well as of his experienced Marshals. He got no clear lead from their advice. Ckara-Sulg told his father about this impossible situation, and he gave him wise counsel. His father Buschi Chodschah said: “Fetch four mares with their foals and put them together with nine donkeys and their foals: tie both sets of foals to the gate of “Darkness,” but chase the mares and the donkeys into the depths of the darkness. When they finally get desperate to get back, out of love and devotion, as well as by their sense of smell for their foals, they will of a surety find their way back.” Ckara-Sulg told this to Oghuz. He thought it was a sensible idea, and implemented it.

835. “He instructed his men to enter the “Darkness,” and drive the mares and donkeys further in for three days and three nights. Suddenly they heard a voice coming both from the left and the right: “Whoever finds anything on this track, and takes it with him, will be put to shame when he arrives back out into the light, and likewise whosoever takes nothing back with him will also be ashamed.” Several of the men had taken something with them, and others had not, and as they came back out into the light, following after the mares and donkeys, they looked to see what they had brought with them. Both parties were ashamed to find a few little beautiful stones and a handful of flowers.

836. “Next they took to the Plains that lay between Ckil-Barack and Itil. Having encountered the inhabitants, and slew their Padschah (Tsar), seizing his land. They were provided with the living quarters they needed for their two-year stay, and received the rightful Tribute. Having placed two stationary guards there, Oghuz finally went on to Derbend and Chozar. On arrival, Buschi Chodschah said to his son: “In case we are defeated and dispersed, and this news happens to reach our people back home, as well as our enemies, it would be good for us to send a hundred horsemen to bring them news of our welfare. This will bring our people and our soldiers happiness and joy, but our enemies will be discouraged. They will hate such news and be disheartened. Furthermore, we should send back gifts and treasures that we have gained, to every place the news is spread.” Ckara-Sulg suggested this to Oghuz, who thought it very helpful and received it in good heart. Acting graciously towards him, he clothed him in robes of honor, and for the purpose suggested by him, ordered one hundred Ckanckli be dispatched, to forward the treasures and to settle all costs incurred.

837. “It was during Oghuz’s reign that arrows with gold tips were used, instead of the “jarligh and paizeh” that are used nowadays. Two arrows with golden tips were Oghuz’s hallmark. They were a sign to all men wherever he went, to each prime foraging area and province, of the allegiance he demanded, and a warning to them. Oghuz ordered the leader of the Ckankli to watch over his house, his valuable possessions, and his people until his return. After making all preparatory arrangements, he stayed for seven more days then set off for Derbend.

838. “Here, the inhabitants, who were thieves and robbers, made the crossroads unsafe, stealing many of the soldiers’ horses. Oghuz, therefore, consulted Ckara-Sulg, saying: “This is an extremely narrow place, and very difficult to pass. There are many robbers here. How can they be pursued and captured, since the sea is on one side, and, on the other, a steep mountain?” Ckara-Sulg repeated this to his father, and the old man gave the following advice: “You must attack Derbend’s inhabited places from four different angles. Knowing how narrow it is, with the sea on one side and the mountain on the other, they will lose heart at the discouraging situation, and because of their restricted position, will surrender. Ckara-Sulg repeated this word-for-word to Oghuz, who immediately gave the orders to attack. They completely stripped and plundered the area, then set up camp for the summer, even till the beginning of the next year. The people of Derbend took the defeat so badly, their only consolation was in one another. They conferred with one another and with their neighbors, and with the help of Ckara-Sulg, they decided that, after Oghuz’s eight-month’s stay, they would all unite in bringing a gift of nine gray horses, and submit.

839. “Oghuz asked them why they had not appeared before now, during the whole time he had been encamped there, and why they had acted in such a hostile, defiant manner all this time. To which they replied: “We are a people who are crazy, but clever. All the while we listened to those of us who lacked sense, we did not come forward, though we knew we were wrong. Now we have listened to those of us who are sensible and wise, and we are convinced that it is better to put on the girdle of obedience and willingly put ourselves at your service.” Oghuz then said: “Since you have seen the error of your ways, I will not punish you. However, one of you has stolen my horse, along with other horses, and also my two young steeds. They answer to Arckeli, Irack, Kaleh and Siflah, and finally Sutack, who is completely white. They are both fast and extraordinarily beautiful. Whilst I do not hold it against you, not one of you will remain alive if you do not find who is responsible, and return my two horses in particular.” They found all the stolen horses except those two, which were nowhere to be seen. Oghuz ordered everyone to be sacrificed for the sake of those two horses. When they asked for a concession, they were granted a month. They searched high and low, found them, and returned them to Oghuz. He was overjoyed to see them again, and praised and honored those who found them. After leaving a stationary guard there, to watch over all subordinates, and to collect the Tribute, Oghuz set off with his entourage for Schirwan and Schamachia.

840. “He was minded to take over Schirwan and Schamachia, so sent an envoy on ahead with the following words: “As you well know, we have subdued every country we have set foot on, leaving none behind, and those that withstood us, and did not obey orders, were forced to do so. If you are considering submitting, then send us word, and therewith ensure your safety. If you resist, however, and are hostile, then prepare for war, as we will capture you, and treat you without mercy.” On hearing this, the inhabitants of Schirwan displayed respectful gestures, paying homage to the envoy, submitting and handing over their valuable items. Having received a gift of nine gray horses, from Schamachia, Oghuz stayed for fourteen days, during which time the Schirwaners got the required Tribute together, and delivered it to the coffers. Because of their deliberating, and objection to the required amount, namely in bars of gold, Oghuz ordered each of his men to take a handful of wood to the city gates and to the neighboring city gates of Schamachia. The army set off, each soldier carrying a handful of wood, the last one lit a fire that burned and blazed so greatly, it burned down the gates and the walls. Furthermore, they attacked and took over the town, plundered it, and led the women and children away captive. The inhabitants were finally so ashamed of their behavior, that they pleaded with Oghuz and his men to make peace, declaring firmly they would pay the Tribute, and did not intend to be hostile again. Since they had chosen the way of peace and reconciliation, in their weakness, and out of compulsion, Oghuz returned to them their wives and children, chose a representative from among them, and headed from there to Arran and Mughan.

841. “It was mid-summer when Oghuz arrived in Arran and Mughan, after departing from Schirwan. The air was exceptionally warm, so Oghuz looked for a place where his people could spread out and relax for a time. He decided to spend the summer in the mountains of Ilack. He seized the territory, plundered it, took possession of Ilack and the mountain regions of Silan, Alatack and Aghischuri. During his stay in Ilack, Oghuz and his faithful comrades of war, took over all the neighboring territories, bringing them into submission and obedience. He then took over the land of Adserbeidschan, to use as pastureland for his horses, and the pleasant land of Audschan.

842. “On one occasion, Oghuz ordered each of his men to fetch a lap full of earth, which, put together, formed a large mound. Since Oghuz was the first to fetch his lap full of earth, everyone else followed suit. The large mound that it formed was called Adserbeikan. This name became famous, and is why the area is still called Adserbeidschan today.

843. “Oghuz spent the summer in Alatack and Ilack, and sent envoys from there to Bagdad, Gurdschestan, Diarbekr, and Rackah, bearing the message that he intended to seize their land. He demanded to know if they would submit, and pay Tribute to the coffers. If so, he would send no army against them. If not, he would declare war. While the envoys went to the above-named places, Oghuz spent the winter in Arran, Mughan and Guerwares. All the inhabitants of these areas were to submit; whoever refused to do so, would be pillaged and plundered.

844. “The envoys returned at the beginning of spring and reported the following: Firstly: those sent to Diarbekr said that Rackah and Bagdad had thought that Oghuz had turned back on reaching Arran. If, however, he was still coming, then they would let him know if they would attack or make peace, but would only answer then. Secondly: those sent to Gurdschestan said that the Gurdschestaners had decided to attack, so prepare for a battle. Oghuz sent more envoys to Gurdschestan with this message: “We are on our way, so prepare for battle. We are certainly coming. Do not say you were not warned, or that Oghuz came when you were unprepared.”

845. “Since the spring had arrived, and the horses were well fed and watered, Oghuz set off on his march towards Gurdschestan. As he approached, the Gurdschestaners had been waiting to attack for three or four days already and launched an immediate assault. Oghuz’s army got the victory, and for two days and nights pushed them further back. They then re-grouped, and began a second round. They were unable to fend him off, and so took flight. Those observing the battle became aware that they were losing to Oghuz, and they surrendered, sending the relevant written instructions to all who had fled for their lives, to return and pay Tribute.

846. “Oghuz spent one and a half months in Gurdschestan, and then went once more to Alatack for the summer. He had scarcely been there for a few days, when he heard that the Gurdschestaners were avoiding the Tribute, and because the stationary guards were putting pressure on them to pay, they were openly resisting them. At this news, Oghuz called his sons to him and said: “I have had enough of these people. Just one more attack, and they will never stand again. It is necessary for you to go to battle.” He gave them each two hundred men, and sent them to battle. They attacked the Gurdschestaners, overcame them and plundered them. Following along behind them was Oghuz’s envoy, with orders to exact all necessary food and clothing from them for the summer. This they were happy to do. They got all things ready for their father, out of what they had plundered, installed a Representative, took the Tribute and returned to Alatack. Oghuz then called his sons to him saying: “It is necessary for you to settle many important things for me during my lifetime, to spread your fame, and prepare the way for me to occupy the land.” He sent another envoy, with the command to assemble all soldiers from their winter quarters and send them to Kurdistan, which is where he stayed in the mountains for three consecutive years retrieving from the mountain robbers all that they had stolen. He also won the Plains and got the Tribute from them.

847. “From there he moved to Diarbekr, where the citizens came from Ardebil, Mosul and Bagdad. They all surrendered, and brought him valuable gifts. He stayed here on the banks of the Tigris for the winter, and at the break of spring set off for Scham {Syria}. He sent his six sons on ahead as the vanguard and followed closely behind on foot. As the sons were approaching, it looked like the whole of Rackah came to greet them outside the gates, and they sent them on to Oghuz who was following on behind. When he saw them coming towards him, Oghuz trusted that they were coming in peace. He received them kindly, and sent an appointed Representative to each of their towns. By so doing, he caused all those from the towns of Scham to surrender, with the exception of Antiochia {Antioch, this name being a modernization of the ancient Hamath on the Orontes}, which the Turks called Nethack Schehr, and which had three hundred and sixty gates. Here, the residents were hostile, and Oghuz had to fight their resistance for a whole year. Finally they were overcome, and Oghuz established a golden throne, sat down on it, and added 90,000 men to his number, as well as their wives and children.

848. “During his stay he sent an envoy to Dimeschk {Damascus} and Misr {Egypt} to inform those inhabitants of his arrival. He then chose 100 men from each company, commanded by his sons, since he entrusted them with this position of responsibility, and sent them to Tegurchan, which is called Tegfurchan today. Its leader, Tegfur, sent supplies to Oghuz’s army in Tegurchan, via an envoy. On meeting the envoy, Oghuz’s sons conversed, and decided to withdraw their troops, sending their own envoy to Tegfur with the following note: “Our father, Oghuz, sent us with this 9,000 strong vanguard, while he himself is following on as rearguard with a huge army. If you are prepared to pay Tribute, and put the same amount aside each year, into the coffers, we will cause you no harm. If, on the other hand, you prefer war and battle, appoint a time and come out to meet us.

849. “The following are the names of the six sons: The oldest, Gun, the second, Ai, the third, Julduz, the fourth, Gug, the fifth, Thack, and the sixth, Tengiz. The sons’ envoy approached Tegfur and said: “Tomorrow we will fight at a given place ….” The following morning they came together at the chosen place, fought, and won the victory over Tegfur, pursuing him for two days and nights. When they arrived at his hometown in his own territory, the citizens themselves laid hands on Tegfur, and turned him over to Oghuz’s sons. They, in turn, sent him to their father in Antiochia, together with seventy men. They fortified the towns and territories they had overcome. After plundering them, and killing some of them, they left the town, and sent news to their father via an envoy, that they would hang Tegfur on his orders, if he so wished, plunder his land and send back valuables and treasures. If, on the other hand, he wished to forgive him, and send him back to his own country, reinstate him as King and exact Tribute from him, he would thereby reconcile him to his people, and restore his personal honor and dignity.

850. “Oghuz had succeeded, together with his sons, in extraditing Tegfur, in chasing off his army, and in compelling the magnates to seize him and hand him over. After careful consideration of these events, Oghuz asked Tegfur if his sons had plundered his land. Tegfur, who had not witnessed the plundering, replied: “While I was there they did not steal anything, but left the town for the Plains.” These words pleased Oghuz greatly, as he had instructed his sons not to plunder it. He praised the Almighty, thanking Him that his sons had obeyed his instructions, and properly carried out his orders. Since Tegfur had given a favorable account of the events, Oghuz said: “In spite of your being the first to put up a resistance, and bring on a confrontation with us, I will not hold you guilty; I will send you back to your country, and reinstate you as an honorable Sultan, if you will simply agree to pay the Tribute in whichever place I choose to stay.” On hearing this, Tegfur threw himself to the ground, and full of praise and worship said: “Each and every Kingdom is submitted to you. There are thousands like me, or better than I, prepared to obey your commands. I, too, am prepared to carry out the least of your instructions. If you would show mercy, and if I have gained favor with you, I will wear the ring of a slave in my ear, and send yearly tribute to your treasury. Moreover, if God wills, I myself, will sit at your gates, as a sign of submission, in return for you placing no blame upon me.

851. “Oghuz then asked Tegfur about the situation in Rum {Asia Minor}; their army and the whereabouts of their camps; including his advice on how to send troops to that region. Tegfur replied: “You must be very careful if you wish to take control of Freng {the European mainland}. Send envoys together with gifts and tokens of honor, and seek to win the magnates with such signs of respect, whilst asking them to pay Tribute. I, too, will privately send them correspondence via an envoy, to inform them that you are a very powerful people, a people that have taken over everything that lies between the rising of the sun to the place of its setting, a people that no living, mortal, soul can resist. Strongly advising them to fully submit, and thereby preventing a terrible confrontation, that will bring death and destruction to their homes, I will advise that they make their decision to pay the tribute, and do so each year.” Thus were they advised and requested to pay tribute, making it unnecessary to send further troops. This is how Tegfur described the situation in relation to the wealthy land of Rum:

852. “Their winter camp was situated by the sea, since it was currently exceptionally warm. If, however, they wished to return there for the winter, they must be stopped from doing so. The heat would then be so unbearable for them, that they would be forced to submit. Oghuz thought Tegfur’s advice was ingenious. He sent him back to his own country and reinstated him as the honorable Sultan. He sent fifteen additional horsemen with those who returned to the land, to ensure that he was set back on his royal throne. Oghuz also sent orders for his sons’ return, together with their troops, which orders were obeyed. Once reinstated, Tegfur sent Oghuz many valuable gifts, and Oghuz was determined to go to Freng and Rum.

853. “Having been enlightened by Tegfur as to their situation, and with Tegfur’s additional correspondence, Oghuz sent three of his sons, Ai, Gug, and Thack, with another nine thousand men to Freng. He ordered Tegfur to show them a coastal region, where they could get supplies, and necessary refreshments. He also sent envoys whom they could escort to Freng by ship. His devoted comrade Tegfur, directed them to a secluded place at the coast, and, just as Oghuz had commanded, arranged for the necessary provisions and provender, then escorted the envoys to Freng.

854. “When they arrived, the magnates received the many gifts, and were clothed with robes of honor, and thus made no resistance. In addition, Tegfur’s envoy had been sent on ahead to the Khan, informing him of the situation, and advising him to take heed, and submit in an orderly, obedient manner, and pay tribute, as well as other gifts. Oghuz expressed his wish for the Khan to meet with his three sons, and finalize the arrangements to forward money, treasures and gifts. Oghuz’s sons did not take the gifts themselves, but sent him word that he should send them on speedily to Oghuz, together with the tribute.

855. “The brothers, meanwhile, would stay behind with their troops, and await Oghuz’s instructions. Orders would follow once Oghuz had met with their envoys, and received the Tribute. If, then, he ordered them to return, they would do so. The envoys took note of how Oghuz’s sons took such great pains to do this. They took the money and the treasures, and set off to meet Oghuz to make a public declaration of their submission. On hearing of their arrival, Oghuz ordered his troops to arm themselves with ammunition and all necessary weapons, and positioned their divisions on the Plains that crossed their path. He ordered them to sing the “Revue” from a distance. In this way, the approaching Frengish envoys were first made aware of one division, then the next followed, then the third, and eventually the whole company. This drew their attention to the exceptionally well-ordered army.

856. “When the Frengish envoys finally appeared before Oghuz, and presented to him their gifts, he asked them: “Did you notice the divisions I sent on as my forerunners? The rest of my vast army is coming to join them. If you think you can resist them, let us commence the battle. If, on the other hand, you have been persuaded that such would be impossible, and that it would be better for you to obey my commands, then offer your money and valuables, and submit to me and to my powerful men and my envoys. Regardless, you still cannot imagine how immense my army is, let alone how many places we have settled in across seas and rivers. Your sea is an irrelevant speck to us. It would take only a few horses joined together to serve as boats, and using the reins as oars, we would cross over, overthrow your kingdom, and return.” At this, the envoys replied: “If it please you, then send the army back, appoint a Representative, and we will hand him the tribute.” Oghuz commanded them: “Truly submit, and hand to the Representative, whom Tegfur shall appoint, the yearly Tribute. This he will send to me yearly, together with one of your tribe every other year. I shall bestow much honor on him, then return him to you.” At this, he took his leave, having spoken in the manner that is befitting to this land, with the same manner in which they had arrived, namely, when the troops marched on ahead singing the “Revue,” and instilling fear into them. The Frengish envoys observed this huge army, and were convinced of its power. They returned to tell the Padtsar of Freng of all they had seen and heard. After thoughtful consideration, he decided to submit and to pay tribute. During the whole of his reign and thereafter, the people of Freng paid the yearly Tribute, and opposed anyone that refused to pay.

857. “On arriving in Rum, those of Oghuz’s sons who had been sent there, fought with their armies in three different places. Their opponents fled from each of the three territories. When the citizens of Rum finally realized that they were too weak to resist, they assembled with all their magnates in a council. They decided that the best thing to do was to submit. On learning this, the sons of Oghuz asked them why they had not done so sooner, since it would have saved many lives, and spared the destruction of their country. They answered, that those who fought were mad men, but they, who were more experienced and tested, maintained that the wisest thing would be to submit and avoid a slaughter, and offer themselves as their slaves. They therefore all agreed to become their slaves, and it would be within their power alone to free them, since none among them would resist them any longer.

858. “With these words, they made it quite clear to the sons of Oghuz that they wished to make heartfelt peace. They therefore replied: “Since our father has left us with the instruction to forgive any who submit, and cause them no further harm, nor fight with them any more, we cannot dismiss this instruction. We will therefore withdraw our troops to the borders of your country, without damaging one part of it, or hurting one civilian, until your magnates have been to see our father Oghuz Acka, and he has given us further instructions.” They were pleased to hear what the sons said, and sent envoys to their father.

859. “On meeting them, Oghuz asked after the welfare of his sons, and after the battle they had been engaged in. As eye-witnesses, they reported the events that had occurred, down to the last detail. Oghuz comforted them, and set down the yearly amount of Tribute required. Then, as with the Frengs, he sent his army back with them, going on ahead and singing the “Revue.” They were greatly afraid at the strength they displayed. Oghuz sent them away with robes of honor, however, and his sons returned to their father with his army.

860. “When Oghuz saw his sons, convinced that they had carried out his orders properly, with excellence, skill and success, he had a celebration to honor them, and held a toast for their great achievement. He honored each son individually, with a golden throne; dividing his Generals between them that fought with them and returned from the field, and clothing them all with robes of honor said: “You do not know why I have given you, my sons, thrones of gold, or clothed you, my Generals, with robes of honor.” To which they all replied: “You alone know what is for the best, and what the worst. What do we know?”

861. “Oghuz replied: “Once I sent my sons to Scham, under my instructions, and saw how skillfully they handled the campaign. On the second occasion, I sent three of them to Freng, and three of them to Rum. Here, too, they showed great skill in carrying out my orders, by subduing these countries without plundering them. My joy over them, therefore, and you all, is complete. I see they are worthy of positions as Kaisers and Princes, hence the golden thrones, and the robes.”

862. “Oghuz spent another two or three years here, using the opportunity to properly order his affairs, in Antioch, Rum, and Freng, before setting off on his mission to Dimeschk. On reaching Dimeschk, the inhabitants toyed with the idea of starting a war. Oghuz took no notice of this, but moved into the outskirts of the town. There, he set up camp for three days without starting a war. His sons asked him why he was hesitating, to which he replied: “You do not know if Adam is asleep in this place. This makes me hesitate, and I am in no hurry, therefore, to start a war. I prefer, instead, to send an envoy, to find out how the ground lies, and what they intend to do.”

863. “After observing their blockades for three days, Oghuz sent an envoy to find out the true state of affairs. The inhabitants of Dimeschk, likewise, sent an envoy with twenty donkey-loads of bows. Oghuz guessed correctly why it was that they sent this, saying: “You come before me today with this, but if you intend to fight, I can see your army will be no stronger than that in Antioch. I will hold off an attack, until the rest of my army joins me. That is the reason why I have sent you my envoy. Take my advice, and turn back, tell your Magnates to do as I ask, and submit. I intend to move on to Misr, and do not wish to pay you any further attention, by drawing you into battle. Neither can I tell if I will get the opportunity to fight. The bows, I accept as Tribute, I will require nothing else.”

864. “The envoys returned to Dimeschk, and repeated this to the Magnates, who unanimously agreed to this suggestion, sending him a further ten donkey-loads of bows, and a fine Arab horse as a gift, then submitted. Oghuz warmly received their envoys, and spoke many flattering words to them: “The bows of your country are beautiful, I will use them for my army. Divide them, therefore, between my men, three bows each. If they suffice for all, that will be enough this year. I now wish to go to Misr, God willing, I shall determine the amount of Tribute when I return, taking your wishes into consideration.”

865. “Oghuz stayed in Dimeschk for another month, then marched with his army towards Misr, having brought Dimeschk under the yoke, and soon after, he reached his destination. He made a three-day stop after his three-day march. He commanded three watches for the night, which were to be relieved during the day, and ordered the “Revue” to be sung, wishing to make the inhabitants believe that his army was twice as big as it really was. He gathered his men together to brief them on how to attack and subdue Misr: he sent three of his sons out against them, together with 9,000 men as the vanguard, and another 9,000 men as the rearguard. He himself went on foot behind, with the larger part of the army.

866. “On a certain day at daybreak, Oghuz sent an army from Sehi-Asbeh to Misr with the following news: “I am sending several divisions on ahead with my sons, and I am following on behind, with the larger part of the army.” Having sent on the envoys, he stopped a while, and his sons marched on ahead with the chosen divisions. He had taken over Dimeschk and Ghila in the country of ‘Chalil’ (Abraham’s country), and continued his campaign.

867. “The people of Dimeschk sent news to Misr, informing them of their predicament, saying: “However skillful you may be, there will be an inevitable slaughter.” This was a helpful hint for those of Misr, and as Oghuz’s sons approached, the magnates of Misr ran out to meet them, greeting them with various gifts, and surrendered, agreeing to pay the tribute into the coffers. The sons of Oghuz stayed in Misr for a year, obeying his commands not to harm its people. Those who lived furthest away, could not get back in time to pay the yearly Tribute, so they were told to pay every three years instead. They paid their contribution into the coffers alternately each six months. The sons ruled over them in this exemplary way, before returning to their father.

868. “Oghuz stayed all this time and throughout the following year in Dimeschk, in order to ensure the Tribute payments were made as he wished in this town and in those of the surrounding areas. From here he sent envoys to Mekkah and Medinah, as he had heard that Adam’s burial mound was there among the graves. He gave orders for earth to be brought to him from the region. This the envoys did. Oghuz rubbed it over his body, praising and thanking God, and saying to his sons and his officers: “From the dust Adam was formed, and to the dust he returned, so unite we with the earth, although it is a mere speck of us that produces anything good.”

869. “Oghuz continued on his way from here into the mountains of Baalberg, and to the cooler parts, where he stayed with his company of men for the spring. He explained to them that he could not go to Bagdad in the summer, but only when the air was cooler. He stayed in the mountains for the whole of the summer, and then marched to Bagdad, when the air had cooled down.

870. “The people of Bagdad had already surrendered, and came out to meet Oghuz, greeting him as he approached. They returned with his parade of men. He stayed there for a month, and during this time the people were very hospitable. He then went further into the out-lying areas, where he stayed as his winter quarters. Here, however, the air was too warm, so Oghuz moved swiftly on to the mountains of Ckuhistan, here his men could find refreshment.

871. “From here he set off to Basrah. He found that the inhabitants of this land followed the example of the others: they surrendered and promised to pay the Tribute. He went on to Chuzistan, where they, as all the other lands had done, surrendered, and agreed to paying the Tribute. From there, they marched through the mountains of Lur, and arrived at Ispahan. Here the inhabitants were hostile, and prepared for battle, stationing themselves at the city walls. Oghuz sent 10,000 to the outskirts of Ispahan. He ordered them to attack anyone who attempted to leave the city, thus challenging them to a battle. The 10,000 men belonged to an even stronger division that existed at this time.

872. “Oghuz and his men were stationed here for three years. They plundered and destroyed the surrounding areas. After the three years the army gathered around Ispahan, and fought for three days and three nights. When the slaughter ended, it had been to no avail. Ckara-Sulg therefore turned to his father to ask for advice, saying: “We have been fighting the Isapahaners without success. Open to us the doors of opportunity, by imparting to us your good advice for this emergency.” Buschi Chodschah replied: “There can be no advantage in fighting against these walls by firing your arrows at them, that is for men on horseback ….

………………………

873. “This is where the report ended, and can be found in my imperfect rendering of the works of Raschidu-d-din, which deals with the world conquest of Oghuz. It can also be found in, what is called by the occidental authors, “The Fall Of The Scyths In Western Asia.” Mirchawend {Mirkhond}. This is a brief summary of how, during his reign, Oghuz took Chorasan, Irack, Adschem, Misr, Scham, Afrendsch and Rum, and adds that no historian has mentioned when this happened to the Kings of Persia. To satisfy the reader, as it were, he holds the opinion that, during Oghuz’s conflicts with the Persians, which all took place between Kajumerts {the post-diluvian Gayomart, Emim} and Huscheng {the post-diluvian Hoshang, Iraj, son of Feridun = Zames c. 1800 BC, §677.2, above, >>}, and lasted for 72 years, Iran most likely also surrendered to Oghuz.

874. “After his defeat of Turan, Iran, Scham, Misr, Rum, the land of the Franks and others, Oghuz returned to his homeland Urtack and Geztack. Here he held a great meeting, in the highest golden tent known to that time, and celebrated in the most wonderful way, slaughtering no less than 900 mares, and 90,000 sheep.

875. “Ckumiz was a significant person who was among those gathered. All wives, sons, magnates and generals were there, and were treated by Oghuz with the utmost honor.

876. “After some days, the sons and their father returned to the field. The sons were given a bow and three golden arrows. Oghuz gave the bow to the three older sons, and the arrows to the three younger sons. He commanded those following the older sons with the bow to lead the right wing, he named them“Buzuck.” He commanded those following the younger sons with the arrows, to lead the left wing, and called them“Udsch-uck” (which means “Three arrows”).

877. “At the same time, he ordered the throne and what it represented, be given to the first three sons: just as one compares a bow to the honor of a king, and the arrow to his envoys.

878. “Oghuz’s oldest son, Gun, was to sit on his father’s throne after his death, that is to say, if he outlived his father, if not, his second son, and so on.

879. “Oghuz divided the Turkish tribes between his father’s and relative’s people, on the one hand, and the appointed Governments of the West Asian allies, on the other:

1) Uighur:

so named by Oghuz, to mean all who had denied his father, uncles and brothers during the conflict with them, and had remained in fellowship with Oghuz. The word “Uighur” is Turkish, and means “to be united with someone, to support them.”

2) Ckankli:

this name was given to all who united with Oghuz (i. e. a “Uighur”), who helped him to plunder and destroy those countries as far as Choten, where they were unable to carry away the booty that they gained from Oghuz’s father and his men. For that reason, they made chariots, or carts, in which to transport the goods, and the rest they placed on four-footed beasts. Such a chariot (cart), is called a Ckanckli in Turkish.

3) Ckiptschack

was a name given to a certain people, about whom the following story of “abandonment” was told: When Oghuz defeated the people of It-Berack, he stayed on an island between two rivers, as his chosen place to rest. Here, a pregnant woman, belonging to one who was slain in battle, fell into the hollow of a tree, and died. News of this reached the merciful Oghuz, who issued the following orders: “Since the woman has no husband, the child shall be mine.” The word for a hollow tree is “Ckiptschack” in Turkish, and the boy was therefore called by this name. Many people who followed after, were called by this name. After seventeen years, Oghuz took the people of It-Berack with him to Iran, and having subdued all the afore-mentioned countries, he returned to his kingdom. The people of It-Berack, however, were not able to remain peaceful, and renewed their attacks. To stabilize this situation, Oghuz sent a notable Tsar of the Ckiptschack tribe, to subdue Berack and Tajack.

4) Ckarluck:

“It is said, that as Oghuz was returning to his homeland from Ghur and Gurdschestan, he reached a high mountain. Here the winter was very cold, and the snow was falling heavily, so he gave the order that his soldiers should stay in close. Some, however, belonging to the main body of the army, were still left behind due to the heavy snowfall. When Oghuz heard about this, he said that all who wished to stay behind, as well as all those already left behind, should be called: “Ckarluck,” which means “snow-lord,” and all who came after them were called “Ckarlucks.”

5) Ckaladsch:

“It is said that on his expedition to Isapahan, Oghuz had ordered that no-one was to stay behind. One, however, whose wife had fallen down, and had no milk to breast-feed her child, due to her lack of strength, saw a wild dog caught in a trap. He hurried over and freed the animal from the trap, and roasted it for his wife to eat. As soon as she tasted the meat, her breasts filled with milk, which she gave to the child. It was after several days that he then decided to go back to join the troops, and found that the order had been given for no-one to stay behind. Oghuz angrily exclaimed: “Ckal-adsch!” — which means: “Stay O woman!” — and for this reason, his family name was “Ckaladsch.”

6) Aghadscheri:

This name did not exist in earlier times. When Oghuz’s people moved into these countries, they marked out a mound among them, which bordered a wood called Aghatscheri, which means “the people of the wood.” The same word is used by the people of Mongolia to describe those who live in the woods: Hujin-Erkan, meaning “wood-folk.”

880. “All those people who joined up with Oghuz, were called Uighur. Later, however, some of them moved away from him, and called themselves by a different name. All those that were left, were called Uighur, and some of them became famous.

881. “All Turks come from him, and from his twenty-four descendents. In time, they have taken on new names. In earlier times they talked of a “Turkman.”

……………………

882. “Oghuz left behind 6 sons, of whom each had an additional four, making twenty-four altogether. The following is Oghuz’s family line:

1) Gunchan

His four sons: 1) Kaji 2) Bajat 3) Elkrauli 4) Krauli

2) Aichan

His four sons were: 1) Jazed 2) Duger 3) Dudurgeh 4) Bairli

3) Julduzchan

His four sons were: 1) Uscher 2) Ckerick 3) Bigdeli 4) Ckazckin

4) Gugchan

His four sons were: 1) Baindur 2) Bitschinah 3) Dschaulder 4) Dschini

5) Tackchan

His four sons were: 1) Salur 2) Aimur 3) Alaijutsili 4) Uregur

6) Dinggizchan

His four sons: 1) Jengder 2) Bugdur 3) Piwah 4) Ckick

883. “The oldest son, in obedience to his father’s wish, took the throne after his father’s death. He reigned for 70 years.”